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691.
Abstract. Many explanations of political involvement are based on the idea that higher levels of resources will be matched by higher levels of political involvement. Yet these kind of interpretations seem to overlook the fact that resources potentially increase individual autonomy and widen the scope of alternative actions, and so facilitate a decrease of political involvement. The analyses presented here are based on the rather paradoxical expectation that we will find a higher level of subjective political interest and, simultaneously, a lower level of political saliency among people commanding relatively high levels of social capital or other resources. The empirical evidence available for Western European countries in 1990 and 1998 essentially confirms the notion of diverging consequences of social capital (and other resources) for political involvement. People combining high political interest with a low saliency of politics are labelled spectators here. For them politics has lost its obligatory character – it is interesting and probably important to follow what goes on in this area, but compared with other matters its relevance is relatively low. Besides, a strong gender bias still can be found for each and every aspect of political involvement. 相似文献
692.
This paper addresses two very closely related issues, namely the integration of the quality dimension in internationalization
policies in higher education and the adaptation of quality assurance policies and practices to an increasingly international
environment. Through an analysis of some issues and challenges in internationalization on the one hand and an overview of
recent developments in quality assurance on the other, our objective is to question how internationalization and quality assurance
can be integrated. Internationalization policies and practices are lacking a quality assurance dimension and quality assurance
approaches are too much confined to national contexts. Can quality assurance give answers to the challenges facing internationalization
and can the introduction of an international dimension give a solution to issues in the field of quality assurance. This paper
then focuses on the concept of multiple accreditation and the development of worldwide mutual accreditation networks among
institutions as a possible avenue for future progress.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
693.
Ear identification based on surveillance camera images. 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
694.
695.
The gram-negative aerobic oral bacterial flora of 100 consecutive corpses was isolated. After the identification and culturing of the isolated organisms, blood grouping was performed by the haemagglutination inhibition technique on dried culture smears, the dried culture medium and a dried ethanol extract of the bacteria. Forty-seven of the samples showed a gram-negative aerobic bacterial growth, giving 58 microorganisms of 14 different species. Positive blood grouping results were found in two of them (Escherichia coli and Serratia marcescens), both of type B. It is concluded that occasional mistyping of blood groups on saliva and oral material may be caused by the oral gram-negative aerobic flora, especially if the specimens are contaminated or putrefying. 相似文献
696.
This article argues that the semiotics of the war on terrorism points at a significant shift in United States' discourses
on security. This shift can best be described as a move from defence to prevention or from danger to risk. Whereas the notion
of defence is closely connected to the state of war, this article claims that the war on terrorism instead institutionalises
a permanent state of exception. Building upon Agamben's notion that the state of exception is the non-localisable foundation
of a political order, this article makes two claims. First, it argues that semiotic shifts in United States' security politics
point at a general trend that, to some extent, structures international American interventions. In a sense, the semiotic shifts
in American security discourse declare the United States as the sovereign of the global order: they allow the United States
to exempt itself from the (international) framework of law, while demanding compliance by others. Second, it claims that this
production of American sovereignty is paralleled by reducing the life of (some) individuals to the bare life of homo sacer(life that can be killed without punishment). In the war on terrorism, the production of bare life is mainly brought about
by bureaucratic techniques of risk management and surveillance, which reduce human life to biographic risk profiles. 相似文献
697.
698.
Alison Van Rooy 《Development in Practice》2000,10(3-4):300-318
After 50 years of spectacularly successful work (particularly in raising the equity stakes, improving the quality of overseas development aid, fostering Southern NGO work at the international level and organising quick and effective humanitarian assistance), Northern development NGOs have come to a crossroads. The author argues that the history of the NGO 'occupational category', coupled with a changing political and economic environment (the end of the Cold War, rising international investment, declining overseas development aid, and vastly heightened Southern NGO capacity), means that most Northern NGOs should close up shop. Instead, a kaleidoscopic rebirth is envisaged, where four key functions remain for Northerners--as humanitarian agents, economic policy watchers, North-South brokers, and corporate responsibility advocates. This change of job is heralded as good news: evidence that the project of global social justice has moved dramatically forwards. 相似文献
699.
700.
R J Van Loon 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》1978,2(4):454-478
This paper takes as its starting point recent major changes in arrangements between the federal and provincial government in Canada concerning the sharing of costs for health insurance programs. The switch from a shared cost (conditional grant) to a modified block funding system was motivated by federal desires to limit and make predictable their expenditures, by provincial desires to increase the flexibility of their allocation of funds and by a mutual desire to limit any growth of health care costs as a proportion of GNP. Concerns related directly to improving medical care delivery were insignificant The changes will effectively centralize responsibility for program financing and program delivery, thus providing a powerful incentive for provincial governments to apply very strong measures to control costs. For reasons largely external to the relationship between public sector insurers and the suppliers of medical services, these attempts are unlikely to be successful in the short run. The probable impact of this difficulty on government and members of the health care delivery system is assessed. 相似文献