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91.
Reviews     
Ways of Seeing Red

Mary Joannou, ’Ladies, Please Don't Smash These Windows’: Women's Writing, Feminist Consciousness and Social Change 1918–38, Oxford: Berg, 1995, £14.95.

Gen Doy, Seeing and Consciousness: Studies in Women, Class and Representation, Oxford: Berg, 1995, £14.95.

A Fragile Space

Gill Perry, Women Artists and the Parisian Avant‐Garde: Modernism and ‘Feminine’ Art, 1900 to the late 1920s, Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995, £45, £16.99 (pbk.).

Poetic Dissent

William McCarthy and Elizabeth Kraft (eds.), The Poems of Anna Letetia Barbauld, Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1994.

Fictional and Actual Nobodies

Catherine Gallagher, Nobody's Story: The Vanishing Acts of Women Writers in the Marketplace 1670–1820, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995, £25.

Edward Copeland, Women Writing about Money: Women's Fiction in England 1790–1820, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, £35.  相似文献   
92.
This paper presents the results of a survey of English and Welsh local authority planning departments which asked planning officers their views with respect to planning and renewable energy. National government dictates national policies. Local authority planners, however, feel uncoordinated and lacking when making decisions about such developments. Often battered by sophisticated assaults unleashed within the adversarial planning system arena, planning professionals are often left without the ability to compose counter-arguments with which to promote environmentally less damaging proposals in line with 'the greater good'. This has led to the rise of NIMBYism, lack of innovation and is a barrier to successful national renewable energy policy aims.  相似文献   
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95.
The effectiveness of latent fingerprint development techniques is heavily influenced by the physical and chemical properties of the deposition surface. The use of powder suspensions is increasing for development of prints on a range of surfaces. We demonstrate that carbon powder suspension development on polymers is detrimentally affected by the presence of common white pigment, titanium dioxide. Scanning electron microscopy demonstrates that patches of the compound are clearly associated with increased levels of powder adhesion. Substrates with nonlocalized titanium dioxide content also exhibit increased levels of carbon powder staining on a surface‐wide basis. Secondary ion mass spectrometry and complementary techniques demonstrate the importance of levels of the pigment within the top 30 nm. The association is independent of fingermark deposition and may be related to surface energy variation. The detrimental effect of the pigment is not observed with small‐particle reagent (MoS2 SPR) or cyanoacrylate (superglue) fuming techniques that exploit different development mechanisms.  相似文献   
96.

Purpose

Numerous studies have found that young people who sell drugs are more likely to be involved in risky behaviors than those who do not sell drugs. There has been relatively little research, however, that has explored heterogeneity among young people who sell drugs.

Methods

Using a pooled sample of 12 to 17 year olds from the National Study on Drug Use and Health who report past-year drug selling (N = 3,080) this study employs latent profile analysis and multinomial logistic regression to specify latent groups and assess the correlates of group membership.

Results

Findings indicate substantial differences among young drug dealers. In particular, the analysis found three groups of drug dealers: dabblers, delinquents, and externalizers. These groups significantly differed on demographic, substance use, behavioral, and psychosocial characteristics.

Conclusions

Results indicate that the vast majority of dealers use alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana. Findings also lend support to the idea that person-context intersections are critical for understanding drug selling. Specifically, psychological, family, peer, and economic context are associated with differences among our groups of young drug dealers and interventions need to focus on these factors in seeking to disrupt drug dealing behavior among young people.  相似文献   
97.
[Editor's Note] No criminologist today would deny the importance of public participation in crime control. Public involvement—through the family, neighborhood, schools, private businesses and public agencies—are potential assets in curbing rising crime and delinquency rates. In this article the basic concerns are two in nature: 1) how to best utilize community resources, including meaningful participation of citizens; and, 2) how public and community organizations can effectively participate in preventing, treating and controlling offenders on parole or probation. In all these endeavors, public support—moral, financial and otherwise are necessary for success.

What is more important is to achieve the most salutary form of public participation, and to obtain the most beneficial balance between local participation and the actions of many government agencies involved. Not all pure local participation is at all times positive, as is illustrated by the actions of a lynch mob. It is also true that the closer one is to local institutions, the more difficult it is to achieve any degree of impartiality. On the other hand, highly centralized judicial and law enforcement structure often tends to be arbitrary and impersonal. This balance although essential, is difficult to achieve. The community agency (welfare boards, citizen's groups, parole boards), independent of the judicial and law enforcement institutions, plays an increasing role in enlightened public participation. Other important factors include education for crime prevention and reporting of offenses, and the relative closeness individuals feel toward their local groups (family, clan, school, neighborhood), as well as the efficiency of the police and judicial organs. No effective public participation in crime control programs can be achieved when there is a wide divergence between the value systems of local and national groups, and when there are great differences of opinions as to exactly what the public can do to prevent crime.

Broadly speaking, there are four ways in which community groups can participate in crime prevention: 1) political support for social defense programs; 2) public co-operation with social defense programs; 3) delegation to community groups of elements of social defense programs; and 4) provision by community groups of autonomous social defense programs.

Much more work must be done to collect reliable data and make significant critical analyses and evaluations of the myriad ways of public participation in crime prevention throughout the world. [Source: “Participation of the Public in the Prevention and Control of Crime and Delinquency,” Fourth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders (Tokyo, Japan, 17–26 August 1970)]  相似文献   

98.
For-profit prison corporations have sold prison privatization as a tool for economic development. The idea of prisons became more appealing once for-profit prison corporation demonstrated that they could finance, build, design, and construct prisons with private capital from private investment companies. Many private prisons throughout the United States are provided local, state, and federal economic development subsidies — which may include tax advantaged financing, property tax abatements, infrastructure improvements, and personnel training and development resources. Most research on prison privatization has examined costs and quality comparisons of private run prisons to government run correctional facilities. This article examines the factors that predict economic development subsidies to private prisons, which include: economic, social control, geographic, and political factors. Logistic regression results indicate the per capita gross state product, political ideology, black male disenfranchisement, and mandatory sentencing laws predict economic development subsidies to private prison corporations.  相似文献   
99.
The reputation debate in international relations has split into two camps: those suggesting actions affect perceptions of resolve and those who say they do not. This article engages the reputation debate in the context of militant Islamists. Using political psychology, we offer a theory of biased attributions that challenges Mercer's “desires” hypothesis that reputations for irresolution do not form when an act is desirable from the perceiver's eye. Motivated biases undercut any reputation for resolve in cases of firmness and challenge rationalist claims of reputation formation. Militant Islamist perceptions of U.S. and Soviet interventions in the Muslim world since the 1980s support this thesis and caution against futile wars for reputation.  相似文献   
100.
Book Review     
Theorists have argued that discussion and disagreement are essential components of sound public opinion, and indeed that both are necessary for effective democracy. But their putative benefits have not been well tested. Consequently, this article examines whether disagreement in political conversation contributes to opinion quality--specifically, whether it expands one's understanding of others' perspectives. Data are drawn from a survey of the American public ( N = 1,684) conducted in February and March 2000. Open-ended survey measures of "argument repertoire"--reasons people can give in support of their own opinions, as well as reasons they can offer to support opposing points of view--are examined in light of numerous explanatory variables, including the frequency of political conversation and exposure to disagreement. Results confirm the hypothesis that exposure to disagreement does indeed contribute to people's ability to generate reasons, and in particular reasons why others might disagree with their own views.  相似文献   
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