Intracranial sewing needle in a man with seizure: a case of child abuse?

Physical abuse in infancy can cause persistent neurological deficits. Although intracranial foreign bodies are generally secondary to penetrating trauma or surgical procedures, rarely they also occur as a result of child abuse. A 32-year-old man presented with the complaint of generalized tonic clonic seizures to the Neurology Department of Marmara, University Hospital. Computerized tomography (CT) scan revealed a sewing needle located within the temporal lobe. The location and the position of the needle suggested that it must have been introduced in infancy through the lamdoid suture before the closure of it, as an unsuccessful deliberate homicide attempt or accidental injury.     

Test–Retest Reliability of the Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2)

The Revised Conflict Tactics Scales (CTS2) are widely used to measure intimate partner aggression. Various aspects of the CTS2 and its subscales have been examined, e.g. factor structure, internal consistency, and validity, but little or no evidence exists regarding the stability of the self-report of aggression on the CTS2 This study examines the stability of reports of aggression against a partner on the CTS2 among 82 men court-mandated to a batterer intervention program. At both testing times men reported on aggression occurring in the year prior to beginning treatment. Using variety scores, stability of report was strong for psychological aggression (r = 0.69), physical assault (r = 0.76), injury (r = 0.70), and negotiation (r = 0.60), but weaker for sexual coercion (r = 0.30). Implications for the use of the CTS2 in court-mandated populations are discussed.

干部选拔任用过程中规范和建立优先条件制度的探索

本文以河南省Z市干部选拔任用过程中业绩优先条件制度的探索为例,研究干部选拔任用的创新途径。该市在选拔任用干部过程中,根据干部使用导向设置了全局性优先条件、岗位优先条件和综合素质优先条件,分类制定了各项优先条件的标准和认定办法,严格将优先条件与干部选拔任用相结合,在实践中取得了良好的效果。     

社会资本对农民工信任流入地政府的影响研究

农民工已然成为我国城市建设和经济发展的中坚力量,但由于户籍制度和城乡二元体制的影响,他们无法得到城市、农村两地政府的有效服务和管理,导致他们对政府的信任感偏低。本文利用西安交通大学人口与发展研究所2008年12月在陕西省X市LH区对农民工进行实地调查所获得的数据,以政府信任理论和社会资本理论作为理论基础,对西部农民工信任流入地政府现状及影响因素进行研究。研究结果发现,高素质、年轻一代的农民工对流入地政府的信任感低;社会资本越丰富的农民工越信任流入地政府;政治活动参与意愿越强、社会经济地位越高的农民工则越不信任流入地政府。     

小城镇服务业人才培养问题研究

劳动力市场人才资源的配置问题是小城镇服务业发展中急需解决的重要问题之一。本文从用人单位满意度分析的基础上,采用模糊综合评价法对当前小城镇服务业劳动力需求与人才培养对接问题现状进行了评价,发现劳动力市场人才资源的配置与人才培养供给之间出现了严重的失衡。人才培养只有遵循劳动力市场需求,动态地调整培训方案与体系,才能够健康持续地发展。     

Beyond town and gown: university economic engagement and the legacy of the urban crisis

University-driven land development and research into the amelioration of social problems are examples of the wider dimensions of economic engagement by large American research universities in metropolitan settings since 1949, and both dimensions are strongly conditioned by the experiences of universities and surrounding neighborhoods during the “urban crisis” of the 1960s. The rise of the modern American research university between 1950 and 1980 coincided with the economic decline of large American cities and the slide of their poorest neighborhoods into severe socioeconomic distress. The elite identification of the university as a force for economic and social change was a direct response to these urban upheavals, and the dynamics of its new role were fueled by the presumptions of postwar consensus liberalism. The urban crisis had an effect on town-gown relations that endured into the early twenty-first century, not least because it made local governments and universities allies rather than adversaries. Countering definitions of the role the university should take in economic development have arisen from a “town” comprised not of elected officials, but of community members from both within and outside of the university. The long shadow of urban crisis attests to the historical contingency of town-gown interactions and the usefulness of historical, case-based approaches to understanding the role of universities in urban and metropolitan economies.     

Researching counterterrorism: a critical perspective from the field in the light of allegations and findings of covert activities by undercover police officers

The article addresses some of the key issues that are raised for researchers engaging with counterterrorism police officers and initiatives, when undertaking research. A significant area to explore in this context is, in fact, the issue of relationships with counterterrorism police officers who may themselves directly have been covert police officers in the past and/or who may be continuing in their current, apparently more open, role (wittingly or otherwise) as agents of broader state strategies of exploiting trust for intelligence-gathering purposes. This article suggests that it is important for researchers to understand that working within the counterterrorism field involves degrees and shades of risk in the service of trust-building, sensitivity and the empowerment of communities, and that researchers themselves can (wittingly and unwittingly) be part of wider strategies instigated by security-minded individuals or groups of counterterrorism police officers. Reflecting upon the research that we have undertaken individually and collectively over the last number of years, in the light of the most recent spate of allegations about counterterrorism police officers infiltrating activist and political protest groups, having sexual relationships, and indeed, on occasion, children, with women whilst undercover and of potentially working to entrap vulnerable individuals into planning terrorist acts, this article raises questions around trust, credibility, legitimacy, the prevalence and near unavoidability of dysfunctional agendas and the implications of all of the above for community-based approaches to counterterrorism.     

Energy Crime,Harm, and Problematic State Response in Colorado: A Case of the Fox Guarding the Hen House?

Crime related to energy extraction is an emerging area of interest among green and critical criminologists. This paper contributes to that developing work by examining the political economy of harm and crime associated with the oil and natural gas industry in rural Colorado. Specifically, we examine problematic state regulatory response to citizens’ complaints regarding a range of harms caused by private industry (e.g., water pollution, adverse human health consequences, and domestic livestock death). In this paper, we draw on content analysis of formal complaints filed by citizens to the state, ethnographic work, and intensive interviews with citizens seeking relief from problematic or abusive industry practices. Our analysis illuminates how the state documents these practices, how citizens experience them, and how the state dilutes and deflects the externalities of energy extraction to produce additional harm.     

Comparing the Recognition Memory Test and the Word Choice Test in a Mixed Clinical Sample: Are They Equivalent?

The Recognition Memory Test (RMT) was compared to the Word Choice Test (WCT) within the same fixed neuropsychological battery administered to a mixed clinical sample of 237 adults to empirically evaluate the psychometric equivalence of these two instruments. On average, there was a 3-point difference in raw scores between the two instruments (M _RMT?=?44.3, SD _RMT?=?6.8; M _WCT?=?47.1, SD _WCT?=?4.6; p?d?=?.48). The probability density functions differ substantially at the two ends of the scale but are similarly ≤42. Cross-validation analyses suggest that the RMT cutoff of ≤42 is functionally equivalent to a WCT score of ≤45.     

From issues to goals: a novel conceptualisation,measurement and research design for comprehensive analysis of electoral competition

Abstract

The analysis of issue politics has long suffered from a fragmentation between valence and positional conceptualisations, preventing the effective development of a general model of issue-based party competition. Building on an overview of the evolution of party competition in the Western world in recent decades, this article offers a theoretical development that builds on ‘issue yield’ theory to provide a conceptualisation of political goals that generalises across positional and valence issues. This in turn allows a common measurement strategy, offering the possibility to comparatively assess various characteristics (including the electoral potential) of both positional and valence issues. Finally, it describes the specific research design derived from this framework and its implementation in comparative perspective in six West European countries during 2017–2018.