全文获取类型
收费全文 | 278篇 |
免费 | 16篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 32篇 |
外交国际关系 | 22篇 |
法律 | 97篇 |
中国政治 | 2篇 |
政治理论 | 103篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 3篇 |
2020年 | 13篇 |
2019年 | 10篇 |
2018年 | 12篇 |
2017年 | 10篇 |
2016年 | 10篇 |
2015年 | 9篇 |
2014年 | 10篇 |
2013年 | 76篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 6篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 5篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 6篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 6篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 6篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 6篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 4篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
1967年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有294条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
11.
Monica K. Kansiime Justus Ochieng Radegunda Kessy Daniel Karanja Dannie Romney Victor Afari-Sefa 《Development in Practice》2018,28(4):480-493
African indigenous vegetables (AIVs) have potential to sustainably address malnutrition, a growing problem in sub-Saharan Africa. Their consumption is however, limited by poor perceptions and lack of awareness of nutritional benefits. There is limited evidence of the effectiveness of community-focused information dissemination approaches in influencing participants’ perceptions and uptake of innovations in AIVs to address malnutrition. This article aims to fill this knowledge gap, using a case study focusing on pastoral communities in Monduli district in northern Tanzania. Target communities participated in a community-based nutritional outreach facilitated by the Good Seed Initiative (GSI), held at Monduli district hospital in September 2014. The results provide evidence of the achievements of the GSI intervention, and the effectiveness of alternative information dissemination approaches. 相似文献
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
The agroecological revolution in Latin America: rescuing nature,ensuring food sovereignty and empowering peasants 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Victor Manuel Toledo 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3):587-612
This paper provides an overview of what we call ‘agroecological revolution’ in Latin America. As the expansion of agroexports and biofuels continues unfolding in Latin America and warming the planet, the concepts of food sovereignty and agroecology-based agricultural production gain increasing attention. New approaches and technologies involving the application of blended agroecological science and indigenous knowledge systems are being spearheaded by a significant number of peasants, NGOs and some government and academic institutions, and they are proving to enhance food security while conserving natural resources, and empowering local, regional and national peasant organizations and movements. An assessment of various grassroots initiatives in Latin America reveals that the application of the agroecological paradigm can bring significant environmental, economic and political benefits to small farmers and rural communities as well as urban populations in the region. The trajectory of the agroecological movements in Brazil, the Andean region, Mexico, Central America and Cuba and their potential to promote broad-based and sustainable agrarian and social change is briefly presented and examined. We argue that an emerging threefold ‘agroecological revolution’, namely, epistemological, technical and social, is creating new and unexpected changes directed at restoring local self-reliance, conserving and regenerating natural resource agrobiodiversity, producing healthy foods with low inputs, and empowering peasant organizations. These changes directly challenge neoliberal modernization policies based on agribusiness and agroexports while opening new political roads for Latin American agrarian societies. 相似文献
17.
Given that minority ethno-political organizations are generally weaker than states yet seek to change their policies or remove the ruling regime from power, why would negotiation occur? States prefer to ignore or repress such organizations, which typically have little to offer in return amidst negotiations that can legitimize them while delegitimizing the state. When a challenging organization establishes governing structures and controls movement in part of a state's territory, however, it can easily inflict significant economic and political costs on the state while also possessing a valuable asset to exchange for concessions. An organization with territorial control cannot be ignored, while the state will have a strong incentive to negotiate before the state loses more face, the group gains more legitimacy, neighboring states are more likely to invade, and the international community is more likely to formally recognize any facts on the ground as a new status quo. Our analysis of 118 organizations in the Middle East and North Africa from 1980–2004 reveals that territorial control is the most important determinant of intrastate negotiation. In regards to existing scholarship, this suggests that a certain type of successful violence works—not all violence and not only nonviolence—while certain types of strong organizations—those that control territory—are more likely to reach negotiations with the state than weak ones. 相似文献
18.
Social Science and the Public Interest
Social Science and the Public Interest November/December 2009 相似文献19.
20.
Past research suggests that beliefs and emotions operate as partially distinct determinants of political attitudes. In addition, while positive and negative beliefs about a political object are bipolar in structure, positive and negative emotions have been demonstrated to be relatively independent. In this past research, beliefs and emotions have been assessed with different measures. Yet current models of survey responding suggest that responses to survey items are often influenced by the manner in which the researcher poses the questions. As such, it is not clear whether the uniqueness of these belief and emotion measures reflects a bona fide difference between two underlying constructs, or merely an artifactual difference induced by differing methods of measurement. In this study, beliefs and emotions are shown to operate as partially unique predictors of candidate evaluation even when employing corresponding methods of measurement. The independence of positive and negative emotion, however, only arises when employing a dichotomous measure. When employing ordinal measures, positive and negative emotions contain a substantial component of bipolarity. The theoretical implications of these findings are discussed. 相似文献