Prosecuting high-level corruption in Eastern Europe

Do Eastern European courts effectively constrain politicians and uphold the rule of law? Criminal prosecution of grand (high-level) corruption can further the central principle of equal responsibility under the law by demonstrating that even powerful political actors have to submit to the laws of the land. This article introduces the Eastern European Corruption Prosecution Database, which contains entries for all cabinet ministers (927 in total) who served in a government that held office in one of seven post-Communist Eastern European countries since the late 1990s. The systematic data collection reveals that Bulgaria, Romania and Macedonia consistently indict more ministers than Croatia, the Czech Republic, and Poland; Slovakia has barely indicted anyone. We aim to start a research agenda by formulating hypotheses about which countries will see more corruption prosecutions and which ministers' characteristics would make them more likely to face the court. We use the database to begin testing these hypotheses and find some evidence for several associations. We find no strong evidence that EU conditionality or membership raises the profile of the grand corruption issue or leads to more indictments. Party politics seems to affect the frequency of corruption indictments more than the structure and behavior of legal institutions. Indictment rates are lower when a former Communist party controls the government and individual ministers from junior coalition partners are more vulnerable to indictment than other ministers. The existence of a specialized anti-corruption prosecution or a more independent judiciary do not seem to lead to the indictment of more ministers on corruption charges. Finally, we discuss avenues of future research that our database opens, both for the analysis of country-level and individual-level variation.     

Governing environmental conflicts: A comparative analysis of ten protests against industrial facilities in urban China

With the increasing numbers of environmental conflicts in recent years, Chinese local governments are deploying a variety of strategies to address them. Using the method of agreement and the method of difference, this article explores the question of why local governments adopt particular strategies during conflicts over the construction or operation of industrial facilities. The findings reveal that the position of higher-level governments, the costs involved in adapting projects and the threats posed by the form of protest to social stability are important conditions in explaining the differences in the patterns of government strategies. The authoritarian responsiveness that characterises Chinese government strategies results in high political, economic and environmental costs. The big challenge for Chinese governments is to develop policies, institutions and capacities to deal with environmental concerns in a more proactive and balanced way.     

State aid programs for equalizing spending across local school districts: does the structure of the program matter, or only it’s size?

This paper provides interesting insights into an important causal mechanism underlying Murray, Evans and Schwab’s (Am. Econ. Rev. 88(4):789–812, 1998) finding that court mandated reforms result in less inequality in spending per pupil levels across rich and poor school districts within a state. Treating the choice of an education program’s structure as endogenous, following the analysis of Leyden (Public Finance/Finances Publiques 47:229–247, 1992; Public Choice 115(1–2):83–107, 2003), yields empirical results suggesting that court mandated reforms increase the likelihood that a program’s structure will include a price effect and that the inclusion of a price effect in turn results in a decrease in spending inequality.     

Collaboration and Integrated Services in the NSW Public Sector

The paper discusses some of the findings of a review of whole-of-government activities in the NSW public sector conducted for the NSW Premier's Department. Some major sources of the difficulties people encounter in whole-of-government initiatives are identified, together with some factors essential for success. Since there is no one 'right' model for whole-of-government activity, criteria are proposed for identifying the most appropriate whole-of-government response to different types of problem. In conclusion the paper summarises some key benefits and achievements of a growing whole-of-government ethos in the NSW public sector, and some possible strategies for further strengthening whole-of-government approaches.     

Criminal justice as an academic discipline: Costs and benefits

One of the stages through which any new field must pass is academic legitimation. The field of criminal justice is presently in this stage of striving for acceptance within the academic community. Recently, criticism of the field as well as legitimizing activities seem to have increased. In the course of the debate about the appropriate location and identity of criminal justice, it can be expected that the issue of disciplinary status for criminal justice will gain prominence.The issue of disciplinary status for the field of criminal justice is considered in terms of the advantages and disadvantages of disciplines. Also, assets of a multidisciplinary status are presented and “cost” comparisons are made between disciplines and multidisciplinary fields.While there seem to be points in favor of disciplines, an analysis of some of the weaknesses of disciplines suggests that continuance of a more synthetic and open approach is preferable for the field.