The role of universities in the location of innovative start-ups

Start-ups increasingly find the prospect of university–industry collaborations to be a powerful driver of innovation and entrepreneurship activity. Moreover, at the geographical level, they are attracted by teaching and research institutions, either public or private. This paper focuses on the role played by universities. Our hypothesis is that geographical proximity favors the transfer of knowledge and technology from universities to industries and, consequently, represents a positive factor for regional economic development. Results show that university spillovers are positively correlated with the creation of innovative start-ups. Furthermore, the presence of human capital (graduates) exerts a significant influence on the location decisions of start-ups, being a source for competitiveness for firms close to universities. Research quality, especially in the social sciences area, attracts innovative start-ups, while third-mission activities have a weak impact on locational choice.     

Distributional Effects of Maize Price Increases in Malawi

Abstract

In the wake of highly volatile world prices of staple commodities, we examine the impacts of increases in maize prices on various categories of households in Malawi. Using household-level data, changes in household income are calculated taking into account the net maize production status of the household and food price elasticities estimated from a censored demand system. While maize price increases have unequivocal deleterious effects on the incomes of urban households, rural households experience differential impacts. Net producing households in rural areas benefit from price increases with households above the poverty line obtaining proportionally higher incomes.     

Corruption in post-conflict Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo: a deal among friends

Since the late 1990s international state builders have paid increasing attention to fighting corruption in both Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo. On the surface this effort has brought significant results, since both countries have adopted legal frameworks modelled on the best practices of Western democracies. In practice, however, corruption remains rampant. This disappointing outcome has several explanations: in reviewing the empirical evidence we consider the two countries as cases involving heavily assisted transition from both socialism and war, highlighting how collusive practices between political and criminal interests have played a role in establishing formally liberal but substantively ‘hybrid’ institutions. We argue that the spread of corruption has been implicitly legitimised by international actors, who have pressured local parties to accept the formal architecture of good governance, including anti-corruption legislation, while turning a blind eye to those extra-legal structures and practices perceived as functional to political stability.     

The political legislation cycle

The economic theory of legislation holds that laws, even when they do not involve financial resources, redistribute property rights. Politicians supply legislation to groups with the highest political return. By the same logic, politicians should supply legislation when doing so has the highest political return. The dynamics of the supply of legislation should follow the pattern suggested by the political business cycle theory. We develop a model of government’s and voters’ behavior where a legislation cycle is the strategy to hold the government (coalition) together. Under certain assumptions, the model predicts that the approbation of laws should be concentrated at the end of the legislature and be positively related to the fragmentation of the government coalition. We test these restrictions on data about the supply of legislation by the Italian Parliament during legislatures from I to XIII (1948 to 2001). The empirical analysis provides strong support to the theory: a legislation cycle occurs when the conditioning phenomena that the model indicates are satisfied.     

An Evaluation Crucible: Evaluating Policy Advice in Australian Central Agencies

Policy advice is a core function of government that until quite recently remained outside the formal processes of performance evaluation. Evaluation, by its very nature, is designed to question both the effectiveness and relevance of government activities; applying it to policy advice opens up a traditionally confidential and politically sensitive arena. This paper reports on an evaluation experiment in Australian government — policy management reviews (PMRs) — that sought to evaluate the quality of central agency policy advice. It traces the development of the PMR model around interdepartmental committee processes, the bureaucratic politics that diluted the focus on policy outcomes, and examines how central agencies steered evaluation away from questions of public accountability towards arrangements for achieving more effective control of the processes underpinning production of advice. By targeting the process rather than outcomes of policy advising, PMRs sought unsuccessfully to adhere to the divide between management and policy and, in doing so, marked out the limits to performance evaluation.     

Nails of newborns in monitoring drug exposure during pregnancy

This project was developed to investigate the usefulness of newborn nails for monitoring in utero drug exposure. Cocaine, benzoylecgonine, morphine, methadone, caffeine, nicotine, and cotinine were determined in nail samples from the first 3 months of life of 25 newborns abandoned immediately after birth (group 1) and of 33 babies born at the local maternity hospital whose families were recruited on a voluntary basis (group 2). All substances were measured by gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (detection limit: 0.025 ng/mg). Moreover, analytical results were compared with mothers' self-reported habits when the information was available. In group 1, 12 nails were found positive for caffeine and 13 for both nicotine and cotinine. Six samples tested cocaine- (range, median: 0.14-0.25, 0.175 ng/mg) and benzoylecgonine-positive (range, median: 0.12-0.20, 0.165 ng/mg). Both nicotine and cocaine were always retrieved together with their main metabolite. Morphine was found in four samples (range, median: 0.10-0.15, 0.125 ng/mg), methadone in five samples (range, median: 0.12-0.26, 0.170 ng/mg) that were found negative for all other compounds. In group 2, two samples tested positive for methadone (0.16, 0.17 ng/mg). The mothers self-report of the use of coffee always corresponded to caffeine positivity in the newborn nails (n=6), whereas six samples tested positive for nicotine and/or cotinine with a non-smoking mother. Sixteen out of the 33 samples of group 2 tested negative for all compounds. In conclusion, for the first time, results showed that, once that sample collection problems are solved, nails of the first period of life can be a very interesting indicator of in utero drug exposure.     

2004年《意大利民法典》公司法编之特点

一、自治、透明、简化 2004年1月1日生效的公司法的修改,是<意大利民法典>自诞生以来的60年中最为巨大的和最有组织化的变革.由调整资本公司与合作公司的法律所产生的变革是一种深刻的变革、一种根本的变革、一种更符合市场经济规则的变革.     

Constructing Common Cultures: The Ontological and Normative Dimensions of Law in the European Union and Mercosur

Existing research suggests that the European Union (EU) has avoided the formal construction of a supranational culture. Theories in economic sociology predict that market building should entail the concomitant articulation of basic cultural material, above all of ontological and normative notions about the world. In this article we confirm that the EU has formally engaged in cultural construction. Through its system of secondary laws, the EU has in fact produced complex webs of ontological notions about the essence of objects, activities and agents, and of normative notions about the desirability of various situations. Analysis of the content of EU directives and regulations in the areas of working conditions, flora and fauna, and honey supports this claim. Analysis of national reactions and cultural contexts highlights the salience and distinctiveness of the emerging supranational culture. Evidence that Mercosur too has engaged in the production of ontological and normative notions suggests that, in line with the expectations of economic sociology, the EU is not unique, though the two markets can construct different notions when addressing identical subject matters. The implications of the findings for European enlargement and the comparative study of common markets are discussed.