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This article explores the hypothesis that people in less democratic nations will use the Internet newsgroups devoted to those countries as a relatively ‘safe’ form of political discussion and even protest. Also, it is expected that nationals of those countries living overseas will use these newsgroups to more openly discuss politics in those nations than they could otherwise do so. Before turning to a content analysis of the messages posted in non‐United States Usenet groups, the number of these groups and the levels of political discussion in them are quantified. The article quantifies the international usage of the Usenet as a first attempt to find some patterns in this usage that may be politically motivated. After all, many pundits imagine that the Internet will become the vaunted ‘global village’ and source of ‘grass‐roots democracy’, and not merely in the United States. An examination of the content of about 2500 messages in 41 Usenet groups then follows, with a view to establishing the following: how many messages are explicitly political; how many are in opposition to the current government; how many are pro‐government; whether they primarily serve as alternative sources of news; whether they are attempts to recruit people in the subject country and around the world into some sort of political action; and whether richer nations are more likely to have higher levels of discussion in their newsgroups than poorer ones. The findings conclude that newsgroups devoted to countries with lower levels of democratization have a much higher percentage of anti‐government messages than the newsgroups about nations that are more democratic.  相似文献   
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The interstate compact as a policy tool has a long history ofuse in the United States. Yet some observers feel that interstatecompacts have never lived up to their potential. Nevertheless,in 1980, the compact was chosen as the policy instrument tosolve one of the thorniest environmental policy issues of thedecade: the siting of low-level radioactive waste (LLRW) disposalfacilities. Drawing from research on interstate compacts andon alliance theory developed in international relations, thisarticle applies five key questions to the case of LLRW: Whydo states join compacts? Which compacts will they join? Howstable are the compacts? How important are outside factors?What types of situations are compacts most suited to address?It concludes with lessons that should be useful to future policymakersabout the use of interstate compacts to solve salient, nationwidepolicy problems.  相似文献   
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Singapore is an island state with no formal lower tier of government. The network of consultation and mobilization created after Independence in 1959 is now raising important issues of consensus and compliance. Twenty-five years of continuous one-party rule offer opportunities to evaluate the working of the mechanisms of integration and participation. In the late 1980s the highly urbanized, multi-ethnic society is placing new demands on the government, and questions of decentralization and feedback are high on the political agenda.  相似文献   
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This article gives an overview of current pharmacological treatment of paraphilias and sex offenders focusing on the situation in Germany. Information about selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRI) is followed by data about established antihormonal substances (cyproterone acetate/CPA, and medroxyprogesterone acetate/MPA), as well as a more detailed account on luteinizing hormone-releasing hormone agonists (LHRH agonists). The results of open, uncontrolled clinical studies with SSRIs (n = 16) and LHRH agonists (n = 11) in paraphilic outpatients confirm the positive effects of these substances. A survey about the use of CPA and LHRH agonists in forensic hospitals in Germany shows that half of the patients treated with any kind of (anti-) hormonal agents received an LHRH agonist. The authors present a protocol on side effects, contraindications, and monitoring of CPA and LHRH agonists and develop an algorithm for differential pharmacotherapy of paraphilias.  相似文献   
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This Article analyzes the decision in Shalala v. Illinois Council on Long Term Care, Inc., in which the Supreme Court held that providers seeking to challenge Medicare regulations must first pursue those challenges through an administrative review process, except when application of this rule would result in "no review at all." In reaching this decision, the five-justice majority rejected the interpretation given to prior holdings by many commentators and circuits, and reasoned that it was appropriate to require providers to exhaust their administrative appeals even though the penalties for the challenged violations would not be stayed during the process. Given the nature of the administrative appeal process and the scope of penalties that may be assessed against Medicare providers, the author argues that the decision in Illinois Council evidences excessive deference towards the agency, or a disinclination on the part of the court towards entertaining Medicare lawsuits, either of which bodes ill for providers seeking judicial relief.  相似文献   
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