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151.
Walter Little 《Democratization》2013,20(1):193-208
This essay examines, by way of a series of brief country sketches, the current state of democratization in Latin America. It argues that in the formal sense progress has been significant but that only in a handful of countries has the economic development which democracy requires taken place. Many serious impediments (corruption, party weaknesses, public alienation, and poor policy implementation among them) remain. It will be decades before a definitive judgement can be reached. 相似文献
152.
Walter Frenz 《Natur und Recht》2018,40(12):883-883
153.
VG Gießen 《Natur und Recht》2018,40(7):501-504
154.
155.
156.
157.
Walter Riker 《Political studies》2009,57(3):617-638
In The Law of Peoples , John Rawls defends the claim that 'decent' societies (non-liberal, non-democratic constitutional republics) deserve full and good standing in the international community. His defense of decent societies consists of two main arguments. First, he argues that the basic human right to political participation does not imply a right to democratic political institutions. This argument has been thoroughly discussed by commentators. Second, he argues that decent societies, if admitted to the international community, would pose no special threat to the stability of that community. This argument has largely been ignored. My aim in this article is to analyze this second argument, which I call the 'peace argument'. 相似文献
158.
Peter Bußjäger 《Juristische Bl?tter》2010,132(5):273-283
Das Lissabonurteil des deutschen Bundesverfassungsgerichts hat gro?e Aufmerksamkeit erzeugt, die keineswegs auf Deutschland
beschr?nkt blieb. Der vorliegende Beitrag geht der Frage nach, ob die vom Bundesverfassungsgericht gezogenen Schlussfolgerungen
auch die Rechtslage in ?sterreich tangieren. Insbesondere stellt sich die Frage, ob eine allf?llige Gesamt?nderung der Bundesverfassung
durch den Vertrag von Lissabon neu zu diskutieren w?re. Schlie?lich behandelt der Beitrag auch die Frage, ob der Vertrag von
Lissabon zwingend eine ?nderung der parlamentarischen Mitwirkungsrechte in ?sterreich erfordert. 相似文献
159.
We present a model for identifying the components of aggregate change in an electorate between two points in time. When the electorate is constant in size, change in the mean opinion disaggregates into two components: conversion among those who continue to participate in the electorate (Stayers), and replacement of those who drop out of the electorate at Time1 (Dropouts) by Newcomers to the electorate at Time2. We add to this simple formulation the possibility of variation in the size of the electorate. When an electorate expands, the model includes a mobilization term to accommodate the fact that there are more Newcomers at Time2 than Dropouts at Time1. When an electorate shrinks in size, the demobilization term reflects the fact that Newcomers as a group are smaller than Dropouts. The model includes appropriate weights for each component so that the change in opinion (or any other aggregate characteristic in the electorate) can be allocated across the three components. We apply the model to Iowa caucus attenders in both parties between 1984 and 1988, and we suggest that the model can be also productively applied to a variety of contexts besides nomination politics, where fluctuations in the size of electorates are significant.Ronald B. Rapoport. College of William and Mary. 相似文献
160.
Walter Schenkel 《Swiss Political Science Review》2000,6(1):159-184
Guided by the question "Who can learn from whom?" the author compares how domestic actors in the Netherlands and Switzerland tackle global problems involving scarce natural resources. Variables such as storylines, policy instruments, and actor networks are framed by political traditions and the general "philosophy" behind each country's policy. Both countries pursue their own strategy, and give environmental policy high priority in their political agendas. But Dutch policy is shaped by a specific tradition of negotiation and "voluntary" agreements between ministries and polluter groups. Swiss policy emphasizes binding legislation. Empirical observations are embedded in political theories dealing with potential shifts from sectoral thinking towards ecological modernization, sustainable principles, and network management. It is argued that the real challenge for politics and science is to include normative debate in open policy‐making systems. However, it is suggested that there is not much time left to experiment with new policy styles. 相似文献