'Morphological imprint': determination of the injury-causing weapon from the wound morphology using forensic 3D/CAD-supported photogrammetry

Forensic three-dimensional/computer aided design (CAD)-supported photogrammetry (FPHG) plays an important role in the field of the documentation of forensic relevant injuries; particularly so when a detailed, 3D reconstruction is necessary. This is demonstrated in the case of a patterned blunt injury to the face of a victim, which injury was subsequently proven by FPHG to have been caused by a blow from the muzzle of a soft air gun.The objects to be evaluated had to be series photographed in order to be evaluated virtually on the computer. These photo series were then analyzed with the RolleiMetric system. This system measures and calculates the spatial location of distinctive points on the objects' surfaces, and creates 3D data models of the objects. In a 3D/CAD program, the "virtual 3D model of the injury" is then compared against the "virtual 3D model of the possible injury-causing instrument".The validation of FPHG, as shown by the 3D match between certain characteristics of the muzzle form and the facial injury, demonstrates how this 3D method can be used for patterned wound documentation and analysis.     

Human Rights Without Political Participation?

John Rawls claims that “benevolent absolutisms” honor human rights without honoring political participation rights. Critics argue that he is mistaken. One objection appeals to the instrumental value of political participation rights. This objection holds that without political participation rights, individuals cannot secure the content of their rights against encroachment. Given this, individuals without political participation rights cannot be said to have rights at all. Here, I evaluate this instrumental objection. I identify three ways of relating political participation rights to human rights and show that one makes sense of Rawls’s claim. I then defend this view from instrumental objections. This has implications beyond the realm of Rawls scholarship. Many societies are not democratic and are not democratizing. We must determine whether any of these societies can secure at least the content of human rights and, if so, what shape their social and political institutions must take to do so.     

Die Europäische Bürgerinitiative. Grundlagen, Bedingungen und Verfahren

Mit Inkrafttreten des Vertrags von Lissabon am 1. Dezember 2009 wurde auf Ebene der Europäischen Union erstmals ein Element direkter Demokratie primärrechtlich verankert: die Europäische Bürgerinitiative. Diese stellt ein neues Recht der UnionsbürgerInnen dar, muss aber erst noch sekundärrechtlich näher ausgestaltet werden. Seit Ende März 2010 liegt ein entsprechender Vorschlag der Kommission für eine Verordnung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates vor. Die darin vorgesehenen Verfahren und Bedingungen sollen klar, einfach und benutzerfreundlich sein sowie gewährleisten, dass Bürgerinitiativen einerseits repräsentativ für ein unionsweites Interesse und andererseits als Instrument einfach zu handhaben sind. Sie sollen ferner sicherstellen, dass für alle UnionsbürgerInnen unabhängig von dem Mitgliedstaat, aus dem sie stammen, die gleichen Bedingungen für die Teilnahme an einer Bürgerinitiative gelten. Der gegenständliche Beitrag stellt die Grundlagen sowie die Bedingungen und Verfahren der Europäischen Bürgerinitiative dar und geht (noch) offenen Rechtsfragen nach.     

Building Reputation: Why Governments Fight Some Separatists but Not Others

This article attempts to show that future players and future stakes—two factors generally ignored by political scientists—strongly influence government decisions to cooperate or fight at least against ethnic minorities seeking self-determination. Data on all separatist movements between 1956 and 2002 reveals that governments are significantly less likely to accommodate one challenge if the number of ethnic groups in a country and the combined value of the land that may come under dispute in the future is high. Governments that refused to accommodate one challenger were also significantly less likely to face a second or third challenge down the road. This provides some of the first systematic evidence that governments invest in reputation building a least in the domain of domestic ethnic relations.     

Robust Estimation and Outlier Detection for Overdispersed Multinomial Models of Count Data

We develop a robust estimator—the hyperbolic tangent (tanh) estimator—for overdispersed multinomial regression models of count data. The tanh estimator provides accurate estimates and reliable inferences even when the specified model is not good for as much as half of the data. Seriously ill-fitted counts—outliers—are identified as part of the estimation. A Monte Carlo sampling experiment shows that the tanh estimator produces good results at practical sample sizes even when ten percent of the data are generated by a significantly different process. The experiment shows that, with contaminated data, estimation fails using four other estimators: the nonrobust maximum likelihood estimator, the additive logistic model and two SUR models. Using the tanh estimator to analyze data from Florida for the 2000 presidential election matches well-known features of the election that the other four estimators fail to capture. In an analysis of data from the 1993 Polish parliamentary election, the tanh estimator gives sharper inferences than does a previously proposed heteroskedastic SUR model .     

Economic Consequences of Transfer Fee Regulations in European Football

We discuss the effects of three different transfer fee systems in European football on contract lengths, wages, profits, education incentives and the number of talents being educated. The different regimes, being used until the Bosman judgement of 1995, currently in use, and recently proposed by the European Commission differ with respect to the transfer fee an initial club must accept in case of a transfer depending on whether a player has a valid contract or not. In particular, we argue that due to its averse effects on investment incentives, the Commission should refrain from its Suggestion of abolishing freely negotiable transfer fees. Our analysis also sheds some light on the issue under which circumstances binding long-term contracts should be allowed in general labor law.