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581.
582.
Privatization policies have swept the world and helped restructure economic activity. Although there are clear benefits to privatization initiatives, many attempts have been rejected. Unfortunately, most policy research has ignored this fact. Research on privatization has mostly focused on programs that have been accepted, and not those that have been rejected. This study, however, breaks new ground by examining the microeconomic, macroeconomic, and political factors that shaped both types of privatization outcomes. This work, based on the book, The Logic of Privatization: The Case of Telecommunications in the Southern Cone of Latin America, suggests that the implementation of privatization policies hinges on the ability and capacity of the political leadership to control the bargaining process during the divestiture of state-owned companies. Failure to control the process may expand the conflict beyond the scope of the original participants and result in its rejection. This study statistically examines the economic and political data of sixteen attempts to privatize telephone companies around the world between 1981 and 1993. The findings suggested that microeconomic factors were not very significant in determining the privatization outcomes: however, macroeconomic factors were found to be slightly more important. The political factors, nonetheless, proved to be the most important variables in explaining the different outcomes. These findings were supported by the statistical results.  相似文献   
583.
Zusammenfassung Durch Urteil vom 10. Januar 2006 hat der Europ?ische Gerichtshof die Umsetzung der Vogelschutz-Richtlinie (V-RL) und der FFH-Richtlinie (FFH-RL) beanstandet, insbesondere der Projektbegriff der FFH-Vertr?glichkeitsprüfung sowie bestimmte Freistellungen von den artenschutzrechtlichen Verboten wurden als europarechtswidrig verworfen. Die Korrektur dieser M?ngel ist durch die sog. kleine Novelle des Bundesnaturschutzgesetzes erfolgt. Nachfolgend werden die ?nderungen des Artenschutzrechts sowie die Auswirkungen der Aufhebung des Projektbegriffs vorgestellt.  相似文献   
584.
The primary purpose of the research reported in this paper was to determine if the purge of high‐level civil servants associated with the Salazar‐Caetano dictatorship carried out after the Portuguese Revolution of 25 April 1974 was actually effective in changing the social origins and political attitudes of individuals composing this elite group. Using an abbreviated version of a questionnaire developed at the University of Michigan to study administrative elites in Western Europe, data on careers and political attitudes were gathered. Statistical analyses of these data revealed, inter alia, that there has been some, but not overwhelming, change in recruitment patterns of high‐level civil servants and some change toward greater tolerance for democratic politics and less elitism.  相似文献   
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We examine the relationship between the valence qualities of candidates and the ideological positions they take in U.S. House elections based on a study of the 2006 midterm elections. Our design enables us to distinguish between campaign and character dimensions of candidate valence and to place candidates and districts on the same ideological scale. Incumbents with a personal‐character advantage are closer ideologically to their district preferences, while disadvantaged challengers take more extreme policy positions. Contrary to conventional wisdom, challengers can reap electoral rewards by taking more extreme positions relative to their districts. We explore a possible mechanism for this extremism effect by demonstrating that challengers closer to the extreme received greater financial contributions, which enhanced their chances of victory. Our results bear on theories of representation that include policy and valence, although the interactions between these two dimensions may be complex and counterintuitive.  相似文献   
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This article assesses the popular view that currency crises represent a prime example of the constraints that globalization imposes on governments’ policy autonomy. We show that governments in fact have the possibility to respond to speculative pressure in different ways. Whether or not policymakers succumb to this pressure is not solely determined by economic factors but also a question of political considerations. Political preferences, institutions, and events significantly affect policy responses to currency crises. Our results suggest that national governments retain substantial short-run policy autonomy even in highly internationalized policy areas such as monetary and exchange rate policy.  相似文献   
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