The Contingency of Voter Learning: How Election Debates Influenced Voters’ Ability and Accuracy to Position Parties in the 2010 Dutch Election Campaign

Election campaigns are expected to inform voters about parties’ issue positions, thereby increasing voters’ ability to influence future policy and thus enhancing the practice of democratic government. We argue that campaign learning is not only contingent on voters’ characteristics and different sources of information, but also on how parties communicate their issue positions in election debates. We combine a two-wave panel survey with content analysis data of three televised election debates. In cross-classified multilevel auto-regression models we examine the influence of these debates in the 2010 Dutch parliamentary election campaign on voters’ knowledge of the positions of eight parties on three issues. The Dutch multiparty system allows us to separate voters’ ability to position parties from their accuracy in ordering these parties. We reach three main conclusions. First, this study shows that voters become more able and accurate during the campaign. However, these campaign learning effects erode after the elections. Second, whereas voters’ attention to campaigns consistently contributes to their ability to position parties, its effect on accuracy is somewhat less consistent. Third, televised election debates contribute to what voters learn. Parties that advocate their issue positions in the debates stimulate debate viewers’ ability to position these parties on these issues. In the face of the complexity of campaigns and debates in multiparty systems, campaigns are more likely to boost voters’ subjective ability to position parties than their accuracy.     

Mobilizing Migrant Workers’ Rights in “Non‐immigration” Countries: The Politics of Resonance and Migrants’ Rights Activism in Israel and Singapore

How are the rights of migrant workers mobilized in non‐immigration regimes? Drawing on an ethnography of human rights NGOs in Israel and Singapore, two countries that share similar ethnic policies but differ in their political regime, this study contributes to scholarship on migrants’ rights mobilization by expanding cross‐national analysis beyond the United States and West Europe and diverting its focus from legal institutions to the places where rights are produced. Findings show that differences in the political regime influence the channels for mobilizing claims but not the cultural politics of resonance that NGOs use when dealing with the tensions between restrictive ethnic policies and the expansion of labor migration. While restraints in authoritarian Singapore operate mainly outside the activists’ circle, in the Israeli ethno‐democracy they operate through self‐disciplining processes that neutralize their potential challenge to hegemonic understandings of citizenship. Paradoxically, success in advancing rights for migrants through resonance often results in reinforcing the non‐immigration regime.     

Modelling the dynamics of support for a right-wing populist party: the case of UKIP

Similar to a number of other right-wing populist parties in Europe, Great Britain's United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) has experienced increased public support in recent years. Using aggregate data from monthly national surveys conducted between April 2004 and April 2014, time series analyses demonstrate that the dynamics of UKIP support were influenced by a combination of spatial and valence issues. A spatial issue, Euroscepticism, was fundamental, with UKIP support moving in dynamic equilibrium with changing public attitudes towards EU membership. In addition, widespread anti-immigration sentiment and dissatisfaction with the performance of the Conservative–Liberal Democrat coalition government combined with the “oxygen of publicity” to propel UKIP's surge. The political context after the 2010 general election helped as well by enabling UKIP to benefit from valence considerations. Many voters continued to doubt the competence of the major opposition party, Labour, while the Liberal Democrats were part of the government and, hence, unavailable as a protest vehicle. Since many of the forces driving UKIP support are beyond its control, the party's prospects are highly uncertain.     

Subnuclear renal tubular vacuoles in alcohol use disorder

Subnuclear vacuoles in the proximal renal tubules have been reported as a histologic sign of ketoacidosis. Originally described in diabetic ketoacidosis, renal vacuoles can be found in other ketogenic states such as alcoholic ketoacidosis (AKA), starvation, and hypothermia, underpinned by deranged fatty acid metabolism. A retrospective analysis of 133 deaths associated with alcohol use disorder (AUD) examined at autopsy between 2017 and 2020 was undertaken. This study aimed to determine the prevalence of subnuclear vacuoles in deaths of those with AUD and their specificity for deaths from AKA, and to elucidate what demographic, biochemical, and pathologic findings are associated with subnuclear vacuoles. In each case, vitreous humor biochemistry including electrolytes, glucose, and beta-hydroxybutyrate (BHB) was analyzed alongside postmortem hemoglobin A1c and renal and liver histology. Renal histology was graded for the presence of vacuoles as absent (0), scanty (1), or easily identifiable (2). Liver histology was graded for steatosis and for fibrosis if Masson trichrome staining was available. Vacuoles were commonly seen in the deaths of those with AUD. They were seen in deaths due to AKA but were not specific to that cause of death. With vacuoles present, lower vitreous sodium (139 vs. 142 mmol/L; p = 0.005), higher vitreous BHB (1.50 vs. 1.39 mmol/L; p = 0.04), severe hepatic steatosis, and severe hepatic fibrosis were seen, compared with those without renal vacuoles.     

War & Society,Centeno, Miguel A. and Elaine Enriquez. (Cambridge,UK: Polity Press, 2016).

A bumper sticker on many cars in college and university parking lots proclaims: “WAR IS NOT THE ANSWER.” Most American students and faculty spend their entire time at university without thinking about war, except that they want to avoid it at all cost. Miguel Centeno, the Musgrave Professor of Sociology and International Affairs at Princeton University, and Elaine Enriquez, a research fellow also at Princeton, argue that war has been a normal part of human existence since time immemorial and that it deserves to be studied as a sociopolitical phenomenon in its own right. The authors employ a longue durée comparative approach to demonstrate how war has been responsible for some of humankind’s fundamental institutions and practices, and thus must not be condemned as immoral, irrational, stupid, or evil. War has a history of its own that deserves serious study.     

The lessons of privatization

Privatization policies have swept the world and helped restructure economic activity. Although there are clear benefits to privatization initiatives, many attempts have been rejected. Unfortunately, most policy research has ignored this fact. Research on privatization has mostly focused on programs that have been accepted, and not those that have been rejected. This study, however, breaks new ground by examining the microeconomic, macroeconomic, and political factors that shaped both types of privatization outcomes. This work, based on the book, The Logic of Privatization: The Case of Telecommunications in the Southern Cone of Latin America, suggests that the implementation of privatization policies hinges on the ability and capacity of the political leadership to control the bargaining process during the divestiture of state-owned companies. Failure to control the process may expand the conflict beyond the scope of the original participants and result in its rejection. This study statistically examines the economic and political data of sixteen attempts to privatize telephone companies around the world between 1981 and 1993. The findings suggested that microeconomic factors were not very significant in determining the privatization outcomes: however, macroeconomic factors were found to be slightly more important. The political factors, nonetheless, proved to be the most important variables in explaining the different outcomes. These findings were supported by the statistical results.