首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   500篇
  免费   25篇
各国政治   42篇
工人农民   27篇
世界政治   52篇
外交国际关系   23篇
法律   226篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   2篇
政治理论   148篇
综合类   4篇
  2023年   3篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   5篇
  2019年   15篇
  2018年   17篇
  2017年   20篇
  2016年   17篇
  2015年   14篇
  2014年   16篇
  2013年   107篇
  2012年   11篇
  2011年   13篇
  2010年   9篇
  2009年   18篇
  2008年   16篇
  2007年   17篇
  2006年   19篇
  2005年   11篇
  2004年   13篇
  2003年   16篇
  2002年   18篇
  2001年   14篇
  2000年   11篇
  1999年   18篇
  1998年   11篇
  1997年   7篇
  1996年   8篇
  1995年   10篇
  1994年   5篇
  1993年   4篇
  1992年   4篇
  1991年   2篇
  1989年   7篇
  1988年   4篇
  1987年   7篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   4篇
  1984年   2篇
  1982年   5篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   2篇
  1979年   2篇
  1977年   2篇
  1976年   2篇
  1975年   2篇
  1974年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1968年   2篇
  1967年   1篇
  1964年   1篇
排序方式: 共有525条查询结果,搜索用时 125 毫秒
91.
92.
93.
While the quality of empirical research on risk predication, assessment and management in the sexual offending field has been of a high standard, relatively little attention has been paid to theoretical issues related to risk and its conceptualisation. In this paper, we develop alternative ways of understanding dynamic risk factors and their utility in theory construction and case formulation. We would stress that this work is of a preliminary nature but believe that it is crucial that standard clinical and research practices are critically challenged from time to time, and their underlying theoretical assumptions evaluated. Our aim is to encourage researchers and practitioners to look at the issue of dynamic risk factors from a different viewpoint; one that we hope can help move the sex offender field forward.  相似文献   
94.
Abstract

The topic of sex offender rehabilitation frequently evokes fierce reactions, ranging from strident demands for harsher sentences contrasted with calls for more imaginative and compassionate sentencing options. There seems to be a polarization of positions centred on the question of offenders’ moral standing: are they moral strangers or fellow travellers? This fundamental disagreement about offenders’ moral status is at the core of a number of independent, although related current practice and research issues confronting the field, namely: (1) risk management versus strength-based treatment approaches; (2) the utility of utilizing individually tailored versus manual-based programmes for offenders; (3) focusing on the technical aspects or therapy as opposed to relationship and therapist factors (what has been called process issues); and (4) the conflict between protecting the community versus promoting the interests of offenders. In this paper I suggest that an approach to sex offender treatment based on a combination of human rights theory (an ethical resource) and strengths-based approaches can help us navigate our way through the above dilemmas in a way that addressees both the needs of offenders and those of the community.  相似文献   
95.
ABSTRACT

The UK government under the Thatcher administration was one of the first to launch NPM-type reforms. Since then, several generations of reform initiatives can be identified in the UK—including the “quality” initiative under Major, the Blair administration's early emphasis on “Best Value,” followed by its emphasis on targets and inspection, and its recent reconversion to public governance concerns. The UK, then, represents an interesting test case for studying how several generations of reforms co-exist and inter-relate. This article examines the imprint of past reforms in the current drive towards contestability and choice in local government modernization. It argues that coercive isomorphism has been evident in local government but that resistance has been successfully mounted against each generation of reforms, that these resistance efforts have themselves displayed isomorphic tendencies but that, nevertheless, a gradual move towards a mixed economy of provision has emerged in many local authorities.  相似文献   
96.
ABSTRACT

We employ data from an original survey of citizens in the UK, France, Germany, Denmark, and the Czech Republic to examine correlates of citizen co-production of public services in three key policy areas: public safety, the environment, and health. The correlates of co-production we consider include demographic factors (age, gender, education, and employment status), community characteristics (urban, non-urban), performance perceptions (how good a job government is doing), government outreach (providing information and seeking consultation), and self-efficacy (how much of a difference citizens believe they can make). We also report on results from a series of focus groups on the topic of co-production held in each country.

Our results suggest that women and elderly citizens generally engage more often in co-production and that self-efficacy—the belief that citizens can make a difference—is an especially important determinant across sectors. Interestingly, good outcome performance (in the sense of a safe neighborhood, a clean environment, and good health) seems to discourage co-production somewhat. Thus citizens' co-production appears to depend in part on awareness of a shortfall in public performance on outcomes. Our results also provide some evidence that co-production is enhanced when governments provide information or engage citizens in consultation. The specific determinants vary, however, not only by sector but across national contexts.  相似文献   
97.
This review article offers a critical assessment of Ato Quayson's Cambridge History of Postcolonial Literature (2012), engaging in passing with a debate between postcolonial theorists that appeared also in 2012 in the New Literary History (43.1 & 2). It posits that the History presents postcolonial literature, and indeed postcolonial studies, as much too settled fields, a view clearly at odds both with their genesis and with that reflected in the essays in NLH.  相似文献   
98.
Britain claimed full territorial sovereignty over New Zealand, even though substantive enforcement of its authority against Maori often faced significant challenges. Alarmed at the weakness of British governance in relation to Maori, Governor Thomas Gore Browne proposed a Native Offenders Bill. The Bill proposed giving the New Zealand Governor sweeping powers to ban ‘any communication’ or trade with any Maori within a specified district, or with a particular tribe. Such a ban would, it was claimed, ensure compliance with colonial law. However, the bill was twice rejected by the settler legislature (1856 and 1860), on both constitutional and practical grounds. The paper places the bill in its political and legal contexts, and examines some of the ways colonial administrators and politicians responded to the difference between the government's claim to extensive legal authority and its more limited substantive power.  相似文献   
99.
This article is an overview of Michel Callon's contribution to the reformulation of economic sociology and anthropology. It contextualizes Callon's concepts within science and technology studies, and indicates the main lines of influence on his thinking about economic processes. Callon's work also opens up a number of debates and challenges to current perspectives within economic sociology. Finally, the article considers the way in which Callon's perspective reconfigures both the relation of politics and economics, and the nature of politics itself.  相似文献   
100.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, democracy and human rights are usually thought of as symbiotic. It follows from this that the promotion of democracy as the only legitimate form of government inevitably supports claims for universal human rights. This article discusses this claim, with particular reference to efforts to promote democracy in less developed states. It begins by identifying the central features of democracy and placing them within the critical context of globalisation. It then moves to question the symbiotic assumption, first, through a discussion on democracy and global order and, second, through a discussion of development and human rights. The conclusion to be drawn from these discussions suggests that democracy promotion has more to do with global economic interests than with delivering human rights to the poor and excluded in less developed countries.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号