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611.
This study examined age differences in eyewitness testimony. Children, three and six years of age, and adults interacted with an unfamiliar man for 5 minutes. Four or five days later, the witnesses answered objective and suggestive questions, recalled what happened, and tried to identify the confederate from a target-present photo line-up. The adults and 6-year-olds did not differ in their ability to answer objective questions or identify the confederate, but 6-year-olds were more suggestible than adults and recalled less about the event. Compared to the older age groups, the 3-year-olds answered fewer objective questions correctly, recalled little about what happened, and identified the confederate less frequently. In addition, they were the most suggestible. The experiment extends our knowledge of children's ability to provide accurate eyewitness reports to a very young age group and to a situation in which participants are not merely bystander witnesses but instead directly interact with the confederate.  相似文献   
612.
One of the most significant problems developing nations have faced in recent years has been finding effective ways of implementing development plans and programmes. This is in large part due to the dearth of knowledge about programme implementation, and the lack of attention given to the design of implementation strategies by planners and administrators in third world nations. But, implementation is now becoming a central concern of governments in developing countries and of officials in international funding institutions. Also, development administration theory in the 1980s is likely to have as its dominant focus the improvement of implementation management of development programmes and projects. One way to improve the management of development programmes and projects is to analyse those development projects that have succeeded, identify the factors that appear to influence successful implementation, and disseminate this information as broadly and quickly as possible to relevant administrators and administrative theorists. It is revealing that relatively few studies of this type have been completed. This article outlines the lessons learned from a programme that the Government of the Bahamas is successfully implementing-the encouragement of foreign private sector investment in the Bahamas. The article (a) briefly outlines th'e plan for encouraging foreign investment, (b) describes the basic approaches and techniques the Bahamian Government has learned to use to improve the prospects of implementing this programme, and (c) indicates how this experience may be potentially useful in guiding the implementation of similar programmes in other developing countries.  相似文献   
613.
Using data from the Child Care Supplement to the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, we test associations between the quality of child care and state child care policies. These data, which include observations of child care and interviews with care providers and mothers for 777 children across 14 states, allow for comparisons across a broader range of policy regimes and care settings than earlier research on this topic. Using multilevel linear and logistic models, we found that more generous subsidy policies (that is, greater investment, higher income eligibility) were positively associated with the quality of care in nonprofit child care centers, as well as with the use of center care. The stringency of regulations (that is, teacher education requirements, teacher‐child ratios/thresholds) was also associated with both quality and type of care, but in more complex ways. Higher teacher training requirements were positively associated with the quality of both family child care and nonprofit centers, while more stringent regulations decreased the number of children attending center care. No links were found between state policies and the quality of for‐profit center care. The implications for policy makers, advocates, and policy analysts are discussed. © 2007 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management  相似文献   
614.
This article explores the conditions that allow judicial councils and impeachment juries to promote judicial autonomy. In theory, these bodies intervene in the appointment and removal of judges in order to reduce executive control over court composition, thereby promoting judicial independence. Using the case of Argentina at the federal and the subnational levels, this study demonstrates that competitive politics enhances the capacity of judicial councils and impeachment juries to bolster judicial autonomy. Interparty competition provides incentives for the executive to develop a meaningful system of checks and balances, which includes an independent judiciary that can check executive power. In contrast, monolithic party control—defined as a prolonged period of unified government under a highly disciplined party—permits the executive to maintain a monopoly on power and thereby control judicial appointments and removals.  相似文献   
615.
This study examines the psychosocial risks associated with body weight (BMI) and body image in a southeastern, rural Lumbee American Indian community. A total of 134 adolescents (57% female) were surveyed over 2 years at ages of 13 and 15 years. On average, boys (55%) were more likely to be overweight or obese than were girls (31%). BMI was related to a variety of weight control efforts including onset and frequency of smoking, dieting, and body dissatisfaction. Body dissatisfaction was associated with peer relations, self-esteem, anxiety, depression, and somatization in adolescence. Longitudinally, psychological health, peer competence, and ethnic identity were associated with positive body image. In boys, early ethnic identification was associated with the development of later body image. Implications of findings for ethnic- and gender-specific interventions are discussed.On faculty at Tulane University. Received PhD in clinical and developmental psychology from the University of Minnesota. Major research interests are developmental psychopathology and personality, and diverse topics in American Indian mental health.Department of Psychology, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida. A graduate student in the developmental psychology. Received BS in psychology from Tulane University in 2004. Major research interests include developmental psychopathology, emotion regulation, and biological responses to stress.Department of Psychology, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana. A doctoral student in developmental and school psychology at Tulane University. Received MS in psychology from Tulane University and BA in psychology from CUNY Hunter College. Major research interests are social and personality development, developmental psychopathology, minority mental health, and the impact of hearing loss on social and cognitive development.  相似文献   
616.
617.
This study was a retrospective chart review of hospital records and autopsy reports of 499 children nine years old or younger involved in motor vehicle collisions from 1994 to 1998. The objective was to evaluate the frequency and severity of injuries as a function of age, restraint use, and seat position. We found that 33% of the children were unrestrained and 20% were improperly restrained. Unrestrained children had the highest mean Maximum Abbreviated Injury Scores (MAIS) and Injury Severity Scores (ISS), accounted for 70% of the fatalities, and had the highest incidence of head injuries. Although most of the head injuries were superficial, 80% of the fatalities were the result of a head injury. Improperly restrained children had the highest frequency of abdominal injuries. Regardless of restraint use, the back seat was associated with fewer head injuries and lower mean MAIS and ISS scores compared to the front seat. Also, properly restrained children in the front seat had lower mean MAIS and ISS scores than unrestrained children in the back seat, suggesting that restraint use is more beneficial than seat position.  相似文献   
618.
We present a 50‐year historical perspective of the nation's antipoverty efforts, describing the evolution of policy during four key periods since 1965. Over this half‐century, the initial heavy reliance on cash income support to poor families has eroded; increases in public support came largely in the form of in‐kind (e.g., Food Stamps) and tax‐related (e.g., the Earned Income Tax Credit) benefits. Work support and the supplementation of earnings substituted for direct support. These shifts eroded the safety net for the most disadvantaged in American society. Three poverty‐related analytical developments are also described. The rise of the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM)—taking account of noncash and tax‐related benefits—has corrected some of the serious weaknesses of the official poverty measure (OPM). The SPM measure indicates that the poverty rate has declined over time, rather than being essentially flat as the OPM implies. We also present snapshots of the composition of the poor population in the United States using both the OPM and the SPM, showing progress in reducing poverty overall and among specific socioeconomic subgroups since the beginning of the War on Poverty. Finally, we document the expenditure levels of numerous antipoverty programs that have accompanied the several phases of poverty policy and describe the effect of these efforts on the level of poverty. Although the effectiveness of government antipoverty transfers is debated, our findings indicate that the growth of antipoverty policies has reduced the overall level of poverty, with substantial reductions among the elderly, disabled, and blacks. However, the poverty rates for children, especially those living in single‐parent families, and families headed by a low‐skill, low‐education person, have increased. Rates of deep poverty (families living with less than one‐half of the poverty line) for the nonelderly population have not decreased, reflecting both the increasing labor market difficulties faced by the low‐skill population and the tilt of means‐tested benefits away from the poorest of the poor.  相似文献   
619.
The end of the cold war witnessed the emergence of a commercial web sprawling from the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region in western China and extending into Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan), Pakistan, and Russia. Running parallel to the state-managed exchange in hydrocarbons, raw materials, technology, and infrastructure, this new Eurasian trade had an informal component as everyday consumer items manufactured in China were imported into neighboring countries, bypassing formal regulatory mechanisms. This inter-Asian trade began as shuttle trading by itinerant merchants for local markets; by the mid 1990s, shuttle trading was overshadowed by largescale export for national markets in neighboring countries without losing its informal character. This informality extending across national boundaries defined the post–cold war commerce in innermost Asia; at the same time, it also signaled a return to pre-cold war trading structures. Moving away from the “retreat of the state” thesis that found traction following the cold war, the author attributes informality in this inter-Asian trade to three factors: (1) a restructuring of state power where informal trade was a new comparative advantage sought in an evolving geopolitical climate; (2) the actors in this inter-Asian trade—party and regional officials in China, along with traders and intermediaries—who found and exercised agency through this exchange; and (3) a chain of inter-locking, commercial macro-regions, which are economically sustainable and which transcended international boundaries. Working in conjunction, these factors constitute a dynamic inter-Asian trade and challenge static state imaginaries of a “New Silk Road” or “Eurasian Continental Bridge.”  相似文献   
620.
Why do some protest movements in Latin America succeed in rolling back privatizations while others fail? This article argues that protests against privatizations have tended to succeed under two conditions. First, privatization's opponents form linkages (or “brokerage”) across multiple sectors of society. Broad coalitions are more likely to achieve their goals, while groups acting alone, such as labor unions, are more easily defeated or ignored by governments. Second, civil rights are protected but political representation is weak. In that case, opponents have the legal right to protest, but are unlikely to have opportunities for communicating their concerns through formal institutions, which prompts them to channel their demands outside of existing political institutions. Using case examples and logistic regression, this study confirms these arguments and discusses the implications for democracy in the region.  相似文献   
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