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281.
Similar to other consumer sectors of the global economy, the transfer of advanced conventional weapons and military technologies has entered the globalization process, a process that has qualitatively and quantitatively altered the composition and structure of U.S. national security policymaking. By injecting the decisionmaking process governing arms transfers into the global market place, U.S. policy makers must now reconcile maintaining economic competitiveness within the global system without jeopardizing U.S. national security interests. By subordinating national security interests to global economic imperatives, U.S. decisionmakers are at risk of mortgaging the political, societal, and security welfare of its citizenry for profit. 相似文献
282.
Based on interviews conducted with the Chinese elite, ranging from intellectuals to ex-army officers, this article examines
Chinese society between 1978 and 1988, the 1988–89 period of crisis, and China's future prospects. The author analyzes the
relative performance of the agricultural, rural-industrial, and heavy industrial sectors as well as the special economic zones
over this period of time. China's debt problem, recent splits within the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the Communist Party's
loss of legitimacy, and the rise of new interest groups are examined. The author concludes that present socio-economic trends
indicate China with return to a program of economic liberation and political decentralization after the dealth of Deng.
William McCord is professor of sociology at the Graduate Center and City College of the City University of New York, New York,
NY 10031. His most recent books includePaths to Progress (1986),Voyages to Utopia (1990), andThe Dawn of the Pacific Century (1990). 相似文献
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286.
Jeffrey L. Geller William H. Fisher Albert J. Grudzinskas Jr. Jonathan C. Clayfield Ted Lawlor 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2006,29(6):551
In American jurisprudence, two justifications have traditionally been put forth to support the government's social control of persons with mental illness: police power and parens patriae. As public mental hospitals became less available as loci in which to exercise these functions, governments sought alternative means to achieve the same ends. One prominent but quite controversial means is involuntary outpatient treatment (IOT). While the concerns about IOT have been myriad, one often alluded to but never documented is that of “net-widening.” That is, once IOT became available, it would be applied to an ever greater number of individuals, progressively expanding the margins of the designated population to whom it is applied, despite the formal standard for its application remaining constant. We tested the net-widening belief in a naturalistic experiment in Massachusetts. We found that net-widening did not occur, despite an environment strongly conducive to that expansion. At this time, whatever the arguments against IOT might be, net-widening should not be one of them. 相似文献
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Anna Markovskaya William Alex Pridemore Chizu Nakajima 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2003,39(2):193-213
This paper presents an overview of the current problems of corruption in Ukraine. It provides an example of specific corruption practices in the country and describes the general provisions related to the fight against corruption in Ukraine. The paper presents preliminary results of a pilot study of corruption in Ukraine to examine the impact of corruption on thefinancial markets. We support the proposition of Claessens, Djankov, andKlingebiel (2000) that the development of financial institutions and the improvement of financial market services in a nation can be viewed as indicators of the effectiveness of the economic, political, and legal reforms and the dedication of the government to these reforms. The paper ends with a discussion of the role of the international community in the fight against corruption in Ukraine. 相似文献
289.
Democratization and Political Change as Threats to Collective Sentiments: Testing Durkheim in Russia
Pridemore WA Kim SW 《The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science》2006,605(1):82-103
Durkheim argued that acute political crises result in increased homicide rates because they pose a threat to sentiments about the collective. Though crucial to Durkheim's work on homicide, this idea remains untested. The authors took advantage of the natural experiment of the collapse of the Soviet Union to examine this hypothesis. Using data from Russian regions (N = 78) and controlling for measures of anomie and other covariates, the authors estimated the association between political change and change in homicide rates between 1991 and 2000. Results indicated that regions exhibiting less support for the Communist Party in 2000 (and thus greater change in political ideals because the Party had previously exercised complete control) were regions with greater increases in homicide rates. Thus, while democratization may be a positive development relative to the Communist juggernaut of the past, it appears that the swift political change in Russia is partially responsible for the higher rates of violence there following the collapse of the Soviet Union. 相似文献
290.