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621.
This study assessed the impact of some complex question forms frequently used by attorneys who examine and cross-examine witnesses in the courtroom. Fifteen males and 15 females from each of four student populations (kindergarten, fourth grade, ninth grade, and college) viewed a videotaped incident and then responded to questions about the incident. Half the questions were asked in “law-yerese” (i.e., using complex question forms); the remaining half asked for the same information using simply phrased question forms of the same length. Lawyerese confused children, adolescents, and young adults alike. Questions that included multiple parts with mutually exclusive responses were the most difficult to answer; those that included negatives, double negatives or difficult vocabulary also posed significant problems. Results suggest that complex question forms impede truth-seeking and should be prohibited in court.  相似文献   
622.
Two very different contexts of the conflict resolution field — hostage negotiation and court-connected mediation—do share many similarities, particularly with regard to roles, responsibilities, and techniques. In both contexts, the emphasis is on the short-term "fix," or solution, rather than attention to the underlying reasons for a conflict and long-term societal change. This emphasis, though perhaps changing in the international relations area, permeates much of the institutionalized conflict resolution field and bears further examination by practitioners and researchers.  相似文献   
623.
The population of Cura?ao, Netherlands Antilles (133,000) shows a very high prevalence of end-stage renal disease (approximately 1 per 1,000). These patients are often treated chronically with haemodialysis. As the drinking water on the island is prepared by distillation of sea water, the haemodialysis fluid used to be prepared with tap water without further treatment. In 1996, the 27 patients of one of the dialysis centers on the island presented with nausea, vomiting, and hypercalcaemia in a short time span, which was initially diagnosed as 'hard water syndrome'. In spite of treatment with low-calcium dialysate, microcytic anaemia and neurological symptoms developed. Ten patients died of convulsions, sepsis, and coma. As aluminum (Al) intoxication was suspected, Al in serum (AlS) was measured. Ante mortem AlS was 808 microg/l (n = 7; range 359-1189); in the survivors AlS was 255 microg/l (n = 17; range 113-490). Normal AlS is < 10 microg/l, and <50 microg/l in asymptomatic dialyzed patients. The court requested post-mortem toxicological analysis of four patients. Al concentrations in liver, bone, and cerebral cortex were significantly increased as compared with background levels. Al intoxication was, therefore, considered to be the most likely cause of death in these patients. Investigations of the tap water supply revealed that a few weeks before the onset of the symptoms, a water conduit pipe to the dialysis unit had been replaced, which was lined with Al- and Ca-rich cement mortar. These ions leached into the distilled water and caused both Ca- and Al-intoxication through uptake from the dialysate into the patients' circulation. The symptoms of the latter were initially not recognized as they were masked by the symptoms of hypercalcaemia.  相似文献   
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The author recounts his life and how it led to a career as an activist community psychology practitioner with a focus on issues of social justice. He tells of his upbringing, family and education as the background to a series of positions in various systems. The story shows an evolution from working with individuals to working with whole communities; and from working on issues of remediation and treatment to working on prevention and finally empowerment, social change, and social justice. The story of his life parallels the social issues of the time. Throughout the accounting of his life the author raises the questions that he was struggling with. The sequence of those questions is as follows: Can I emerge as a community leader? What do I do with that leadership? Can my work in psychology have any relationship to the larger social issues? Can my politics, social action and beliefs in social justice, be integrated with my mental health job? Can I find a setting that will tolerate and permit me to do work to create social change and reduce oppression? Can we build competent helping systems with partners from many sectors? Can we mobilize whole communities around community crises? Can we use coalition building to make a difference in quality of life? And finally: How can our spirituality inform our work for social change and how can our social change work to inform our spirituality?  相似文献   
629.
The article analyzes and compares the dynamics of business‐government relations in Bolivia and Ecuador during the presidencies of Evo Morales and Rafael Correa. It specifically traces the shift from confrontation to rapprochement to a fairly stable pattern of negotiation and dialogue that characterizes the two governments' interaction with core business elites. Drawing on the structural and instrumental power framework developed by Tasha Fairfield, it proposes an explanation that accounts for this overall shift as well as for the main differences between the two countries. In a nutshell, the article argues that the business elites' response to a severe loss of instrumental power and the governments' response to the persistent structural power of business combined to cause the shift toward negotiation and dialogue. The article also probes the plausibility of this power‐based explanation by briefly comparing the two cases with other left‐of‐center governments in the region.  相似文献   
630.
Abstract

Presidents often give speeches about crime issues as a way to convince the public that there are significant problems for which an easy solution can be found. Studies have shown that presidential rhetoric on crime not only influences the public’s perception of the problem, but also the perception of the best solution. More recent research has demonstrated that presidents sometimes draw on the public’s fear of crime as a way to further affect the public’s perception of crime. In other words, presidents link crime with the public’s anxiety about other fearful events as a way to further impact the public’s perception of a problem (and thus further their agenda). This study examines presidential rhetoric on cybercrime to determine if executives link cybercrime with other issues such as national security. The findings provide credibility to both Cavelty’s threat frames approach as well as assertions made regarding the politics of fear.  相似文献   
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