Utility maximizing bureaucrats: The bureaucrat's point of view

In this paper we develop a model to examine the extent to which bureaucrats are maximizing their own utility. In the spirit of Williamson (1964) and Simon (1957), we assume that bureaucrats are utility maximizers but not necessarily cost minimizers and we investigate how well the bureaucrat is doing in relation to his own goals. First, we hypothesize a utility function for the bureaucrat — we assume that the bureaucrat gains utility from producing municipal services as well as from hiring additional labor and capital. Then, using the concept of money metric utility, we determine the minimum expenditure necessary to achieve the same level of utility actually observed. Secondly, we determine the bureaucrat's distance from the utility maximizing choice of resources for a given level of expenditure. Finally, using a sample of public sector bureaucrats we attempt to explain the variation in wasted expenditure across municipalities and why bureaucrats might be underutilizers of each input relative to their own utility maximizing point.     

The Engine Room of Instruction: Small Group Teaching

The changing role of tutorials and tutors in an age of mass higher education is sketched. The differing purposes of small group teaching are explored; small groups are shown to have a variety of academic and pastoral functions. The mechanics of tutorial organisation are explored and the range of teaching formats examined.     

Centering Minoritized Students in Campus Interpersonal Violence Research

Journal of Family Violence - Campus interpersonal violence - defined as sexual assault, sexual harassment, intimate partner violence, and stalking - is a social problem that has received widespread...     

Race,Interracial Families,and Political Advertising in the Obama Era: Experimental Evidence

Across two studies of race and interracial families in political advertising, this article finds that significant benefits accrue to Black candidates who present themselves as part of interracial families. These findings suggest Black candidates are more likely to succeed when they engage in displays of “racial novelty,” or counter-stereotypical behavior, provided that behavior signals closer affinity to White voters. For Study 1, we tested four original advertisements for a fictitious political candidate, in which we varied only the candidate’s race and the race of his son. The Black candidate with the White son prevailed over all other combinations, with respondents finding him the most trustworthy, most qualified for office, most likely to share their values, and most likely to care about people like them. For Study 2, we tested four new original advertisements for a fictitious Black candidate, varying only the candidate’s profession and the race of his son. We find, again, that Black candidates who display non-Black children do significantly better than Black candidates who display racially homogeneous families. However, we observe much more modest benefits for a Black candidate who practices a racially novel profession. We view these results as demonstrating that Black candidates are more likely to reap the rewards of racial novelty only when they are willing to provide a personal, rather than professional, signal of their affinity for Whites. As Study 2 shows, White voters in particular are responsive to personal (rather than professional) demonstrations of racial novelty. This affirms the logic of “New Racism,” whereby Blacks are looked favorably upon if they exhibit behavior associated with Whites, but penalized otherwise.     

‘No,buddy, I will not speak to the press – I am working!’: criminal justice and the interprofessional dynamics of communication production in the Chilean Public Prosecutorial Office

This article analyses the interprofessional dynamics of communication production in the criminal justice system. Through 26 in-depth interviews, we investigate the production of media information on prosecutorial work in Chile, tracking the relationships between internal communication agents, prosecutors, and external legal journalists. Previous scholarship has shown the success of police organizations in defining the content of crime communication based on asymmetrical power relations with the media. By contrast, our study reveals that legal journalists can bypass attempts to control the flow of information from the prosecutorial office and impose extra-organizational goals. Lawyers regularly dismiss the work of journalists, particularly those working as strategic communication advisors with prosecutors, but the asymmetrical relationship between the criminal justice agency and the media plays in favour of external legal journalists. Our article considers several explanations for this configuration, including interprofessional values, transactional relationships between journalists and prosecutors, and local legal culture.     

Identifying Media Effects Through Low-Cost,Multiwave Field Experiments

Field experiments are notoriously difficult to implement when studying media effects. They are often prohibitively expensive, require the cooperation of a nonacademic entity, and measure effects some time after exposure to treatment. In this article, we outline a design for low-cost, multiwave field experiments of media effects. Researchers can implement this design on their own and can control the timing of when they measure effects. We demonstrate the feasibility of the design with an application to the study of presidential debates.