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Though instances of party switching have been widely documented, there is little cross‐national research on this phenomenon. The prevalence of switching is therefore unknown, and the factors influencing this behavior remain unclear. Using the most comprehensive dataset on party switching ever constructed, we illustrate both that interparty movement is more common than previously assumed and that there are substantial differences in its prevalence across parties. To explain this variation, we examine the relationship between legislators' motivations, institutional arrangements, and switching. We find that motivational explanations are correlated with interparty movement and that institutional arrangements exhibit only limited direct influence on switching. 相似文献
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Yael Chatav Schonbrun Jennifer Johnson Bradley J. Anderson Michael D. Stein 《Women & Criminal Justice》2013,23(3):165-179
For women involved in sex trading, both alcohol problems and passage through the criminal justice system are highly prevalent. This study is the 1st to conduct a focused examination of factors associated with sex trading among hazardously drinking, pretrial, jailed women. Cocaine use, social support for alcohol abstinence, and more days incarcerated in the 90 days leading up to the index incarceration were significantly associated with sex trading involvement among alcoholic women. Helping incarcerated alcoholic women reduce cocaine use and improve sober support networks during and following an incarceration may minimize sex trading after release. 相似文献
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Abstract The purpose of this qualitative research was to examine the change process experienced by imprisoned sex offenders during incarceration from the standpoint of emerging positive criminology perspective. The participants were 38 males incarcerated in two prisons in Israel who had been convicted of various sexual offences. The participants underwent individual in-depth, face-to-face interviews, lasting several hours each. Initially, the findings suggested a tendency for offences to escalate over time, referred to as a “criminal spin”, which can be stopped only by external intervention. Most of the participants also reported that they experienced positive changes during the current imprisonment, associated with broad support received from various sources. This suggests a possible way out of the criminal spin by exposing offenders to the human and social acceptance of meaningful agents, thus supporting the positive criminology perspective. In addition to their theoretical contribution, the findings have practical implications for the assessment, treatment and rehabilitation of sex offenders. 相似文献
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Guillermo Rosas Yael Shomer Stephen R. Haptonstahl 《American journal of political science》2015,59(2):511-528
Roll‐call votes are widely employed to infer the ideological proclivities of legislators. However, many roll‐call matrices are characterized by high levels of nonresponse. Under many circumstances, nonresponse cannot be assumed to be ignorable. We examine the consequences of violating the ignorability assumption that underlies current methods of roll‐call analysis. We present a basic estimation framework to model nonresponse and vote choice concurrently, build a model that captures the logic of competing principals that underlies accounts of nonresponse in many legislatures, and illustrate the payoff of addressing nonignorable nonresponse through both simulated and real data. We conclude that modeling presumed patterns of nonignorable nonresponse can yield important inferential payoffs over current models that assume random missingness, but we also emphasize that the decision to model nonresponse should be based on theoretical grounds since one cannot rely on measures of goodness of fit for the purpose of model comparison. 相似文献
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This article introduces the "pseudo-reality" method of constructing and conducting conflict resolution training workshops. This method focuses on creating a backdrop against which participants engage in building negotiation and mediation skills using real-life events and facts — but only to the extent that these events and facts promote the learning process. By creating pseudo-reality, trainers can overcome strong preconceptions or biases that can interfere with the learning process while at the same time preserving the advantages of working within a familiar, realistic environment. This method is meant to be used when the main goal of a workshop is skill building rather than imparting substantive knowledge of a specific conflict. The article illustrates this method by describing its use at a workshop conducted recently in Cyprus, in which the Israeli–Palestinian conflict served as a backdrop for conflict resolution skill building. Finally, the article describes a model designed to help conflict resolution trainers create pseudo-reality in their own workshops. 相似文献
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Fragmented citizenship has been a concept describing a deficit in the rights granted to citizens, which may be subject to fluctuations. This paper suggests that the expansion of citizenship is connected to an ideational shift while fragmentation occurs when institutional structures and core values inhibit change in certain areas. The case under discussion is the status of homosexuals in Israel. The country has been described as a gay-friendly society where homosexuals enjoy a plethora of socio-economic rights on the one hand, but are denied marital rights on the other. Expansion of citizenship was made possible owing to a gradual process of liberalization and growing institutional receptivity. This however, did not conclude with the full social inclusion of Israeli homosexuals but rather with citizenship fragmentation. Granting full citizenship rights would have been incompatible with Jewish national core values backed by the institutional autonomy utilized by resistant veto actors. 相似文献
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Yael Yishai 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):89-111
Public administration in Britain is expected to operate according to the principles of good administration. However, in a climate of efficiency and value‐for‐money, agreement as to what these principles require can no longer be assumed. In particular, there may be differences between the principles supported by those engaged in the administrative process and the requirements that an increasingly interventionist judiciary see as appropriate. These differences would seem best resolved by a Code of Good Administration, the drawing up of which could be undertaken by the Select Committee on Public Administration and represent parliament's response to judicial/executive tension. Such a code would prevent the erosion of the principles of good administration, act as an authoritative document for the courts and provide select committees with a further mechanism by which to hold government to account. 相似文献