现代化与近代以来中国政治发展的相关理论问题

现代文明是一种独特的文明模式,其历史渊源是欧洲传统文明。中国传统文明具有独特性,它采取的是政教合一的秩序实现模式,有自身的演进逻辑。中国传统文明与现代文明本是两个不相干的系统。从政治发展的角度看,中国现代化实质上是一场秩序模式革命,包括传统政治整合模式的解构和现代秩序模式的创建。与欧洲特别是英国“顺势现代化”模式相比,中国的现代化属于“逆势现代化”,其过程的复杂性和艰巨性主要在于,在现代化的启动初期,就必须在共同体的宏观层面展开对传统秩序模式的解构。     

Making Sense of COMPSTAT: A Theory-Based Analysis of Organizational Change in Three Police Departments

COMPSTAT, the latest innovation in American policing, has been widely heralded as a management and technological system whose elements work together to transform police organizations radically. Skeptical observers suggest that COMPSTAT merely reinforces existing structures and practices. However, in trying to assess how much COMPSTAT has altered police organizations, research has failed to provide a broader theoretical basis for explaining how COMPSTAT operates and for understanding the implications of this reform. This article compares two different perspectives on organizations—technical/rational and institutional—to COMPSTAT's adoption and operation in three municipal police departments. Based on fieldwork, our analysis suggests that relative to technical considerations for changing each organization to improve its effectiveness, all three sites adopted COMPSTAT in response to strong institutional pressures to appear progressive and successful. Furthermore, institutional theory better explained the nature of the changes we observed under COMPSTAT than the technical/rational model. The greatest collective emphasis was on those COMPSTAT elements that were most likely to confer legitimacy, and on implementing them in ways that would minimize disruption to existing organizational routines. COMPSTAT was less successful when trying to provide a basis for rigorously assessing organizational performance, and when trying to change those structures and routines widely accepted as being "appropriate." We posit that it will take profound changes in the technical and institutional environments of American police agencies for police departments to restructure in the ways anticipated by a technically efficient COMPSTAT.     

论“科技资源共享法”的上位法体系与立法路径

“科技资源共享法”上位法体系主要有《世界人权宣言》、《宪法》、《立法法》、《科学技术进步法》等。根据上位法的原则和精神可得出,对于国有科技资源可实行强制共享,对非国有科技资源只能鼓励共享,但为了公共利益的需要,经过法定程序和补偿对价,法律亦可规定非国有科技资源的强制共享。立法路径有四:(1)可制定法律层面的“科技资源共享法”,(2)行政法规层面的“科技资源共享条例”,(3)还可以通过制定统一的《行政强制法》,(4)或者是全面修订《科学技术进步法》而融入“科技资源共享”的内容。     

Boubou

He was only a little monkey, a very little one the first timeI saw him, not more than 9 inches tall; and when he died 3 yearslater, fully grown, he did not measure more than a foot anda half.     

转型期小股东参与机制实证研究——以洋务官督商办企业为例

文章采用史论结合的方法,在对洋务官督商办企业小股东来源、特点分析的基础上,对其在公司的参与机制这一前人研究相对不足的问题进行了探讨。研究表明官督商办企业中的股东具有明显“人合”性质,股东大会处于虚置状态。文章还对官督商办企业小股东无权地位的传统观点进行了否定,认为小股东与经营决策者之间存在一对多的委托代理关系,从而实现相对有效的参与。这种相对有效的参与机制是早期官督商办受到欢迎的重要原因。     

鲍德里亚符号政治经济学批判的一般理论建构

符号政治经济学批判是鲍德里亚早期思想建构中的重要内容,也是他分析消费社会的理论平台。鲍德里亚认为,使用价值与交换价值的区分同符号的能指与所指的区分具有理论的同质性,在消费社会中,能指与所指的区分构成了现代资本主义合法性的前提。这决定了马克思的政治经济学批判只有发展为符号政治经济学批判,才能揭示消费过程中意识形态的产生过程。也正是在这一思考中,鲍德里亚离开了马克思,经过《生产之镜》转向后马克思思潮。