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111.
阳芬 《中共山西省委党校学报》2010,(3):111-113
我国农民工以关系型社会资本为主的社会资本在发挥积极作用的同时还存在负面效应,以制度型、组织型社会资本为辅的社会资本为农民工提供政策支持也存在不合理或制度缺位问题。为此,农民工社会资本的优化应建立规范化的制度型、组织型社会资本为主、关系型社会资本为辅的社会资本结构,才能适应现代社会的发展。 相似文献
112.
Yee‐Fui Ng Ken Coghill Paul Thornton‐Smith Marta Poblet 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2017,76(2):221-236
Australia remains one of the last liberal democracies to retain a property franchise at the local government level. This particular feature is both the result of historical particularities and contemporary political arrangements. This article analyses the property franchise in the City of Melbourne, the capital of the Australian State of Victoria, based on democratic theory and an empirical study. It illustrates the tensions between the democratic principles of representation and political equality in defining structures for representation at the local government level. The authors suggest that a more nuanced interpretation of representation can be adopted at a local level based on territorial residency rather than legal citizenship. Despite this, based on analysis of both electoral and non‐electoral mechanisms, the property franchises are found to be anachronistic and indefensible from a democratic perspective and unrelated to the status of capital city. The article concludes that, at a local level, deliberative democracy holds the promise to better represent various interests, including property interests. 相似文献
113.
阳芬 《中共山西省委党校学报》2014,(3):64-66
城乡关系是经济与社会关系中的重要关系之一,经过近六十年的发展和不断调整,我国已形成新型城乡关系,其"新"在多方面得到体现:一是由城乡分离与对立向城乡融合转变的新阶段;二是由"城乡分治"向"城乡统筹"转变的新理念;三是由城乡之间"非均衡发展"向"均衡发展"转变的新理论;四是由生产力"低水平"向"较高水平"转变的新条件;五是由"城乡二元化"向"城乡一元化"转变的新制度;六是由"城市片面发展"向"城乡发展一体化"转变的新途径。 相似文献
114.
户籍制度改革是一项复杂的系统工程,要求农村推力、城市拉力与综合承载能力、社会治理能力等多重力量共同发挥作用。目前,完善的农村土地退出机制的缺乏、城市对农业转移人口的制度性排斥的存在、城市综合承载能力不强、社会治理能力欠佳等因素制约着户籍制度改革,为此,相关部门必须进一步完善农村土地制度和促进农业人口转移制度,提升城市综合承载能力,提升社会治理能力,多管齐下助推户籍制度改革。 相似文献
115.
116.
The retrocession of Macau to Mainland China's sovereignty since December 20, 1999 has initiated an unprecedented process of legitimacy‐building in the new Special Administrative Region. The Chief Executive, Edmund Ho, has implemented a multiplicity of reform strategies for the sake of consolidating his legitimacy. The twilight of the Portuguese colonial era was plagued by a rapid deterioration in law and order and the persistence in public maladministration, thus weakening the departing colonial regime's performance legitimacy seriously. As such, the political environment was conducive to Ho's herculean efforts at establishing his performance legitimacy. While the new Chief Executive's procedure legitimacy was enhanced by his election from an Election Committee composed of political elites, Ho's performance legitimacy has been buttressed by depoliticisation, economic development, civil service reforms, and new constitutional conventions. The abolition of the Municipal Councils in 2000 ran the risk of delegitimising the Ho regime. Yet, such delegitimisation was by no means serious given the relatively weak political opposition. Still, in the face of a more active and assertive citizenry, political reforms will have to be pondered and implemented by the post‐colonial regime in Macau. It will be necessary for the Macau government to utilise democratic reforms in a bid to preempt the increasingly vociferous demands for more participatory channels. The case of Macau corroborates the existence of a dialectical process of legitimisation, which has been strengthened mainly by depoliticisation and economic development, and delegitimisation, which is looming in the midst of a steadily growing political activeness on the part of the Macau people. 相似文献
117.
陈芬 《天水行政学院学报》2007,(1):68-71
反思基础设施BOT模式中城市政府管理的困境,探寻城市政府管理出路,科学定位城市政府角色:特许权授予者、管制者和支持者三种角色,并明确定位三种不同角色下的具体职能。 相似文献
118.
电子政务是信息技术发展催生的适应信息社会的一种新的政府管理模式,它的发展,与其所处的行政环境有直接的关系.本文运用行政生态学的方法,对中国的电子政务的建设的制约因素进行了分析,提出了我国电子政务可持续发展的策略选择. 相似文献
119.
刘芬 《山西警官高等专科学校学报》2007,15(2):60-61
公诉变更是控审分离的刑事诉讼结构下检察机关公诉权的重要内容之一,我国法律未明确规定公诉变更制度,实践中检察机关长期以来一直依据相关的司法解释行使公诉变更权。司法解释存在着过于简单的缺陷,使得实践中公诉变更缺乏严格的操作规范,应尽快以立法的形式确立我国的公诉变更制度。 相似文献
120.
Herbert S. Yee 《当代中国》2005,14(43):225-245
The objective of this article is to analyze the major trends in post-1999 Macau's political development as evidenced by the evolving role of its legislature as well as the 2001 legislative elections. The article argues that (1) the Macau Special Administrative Region (MSAR) political system, thanks to the constitutional design of its Basic Law and the political convention inherited from the former Portuguese administration, is dominated by the executive branch of power or an ‘executive-led’ system; (2) the dramatic win by the Association for New Democratic Macau in the direct elections does not suggest a breakthrough in Macau's democratization process because altogether the pro-democracy groups won less than one-third of the total votes; (3) Macau is ruled by a conservative pro-Beijing power elite comprising prominent local businesspeople and leaders of the labour unions and neighbourhood associations; and (4) a new political convention that the MSAR government, though not popularly elected, is accountable to the Macau citizens seems to be emerging. In any event, democratization in Macau is likely to be a very long and gradual process. 相似文献