企业合并反垄断法豁免研究

反垄断豁免作为反垄断法中的重要制度,应充分体现社会公益、正义、效益的价值取向,从提高企业经济效率、有利于整体经济和社会公共利益、改善市场竞争条件、引用破产企业原则和提高国际竞争力等方面权衡豁免。企业合并反垄断法豁免的程序设计应有事前申报制度、事后监督制度、惩罚制度和主管机构等内容。我国企业合并反垄断法豁免除了应与世界各国反垄断法保持一致外,还应结合国情,具体问题具体分析。     

小颗粒悬浮液法显现汗潜手印的研究

本文从小颗粒悬浮液的显现原理出发,选择二硫化钼作为显现物质,对小颗粒法显现手印的试剂浓度、操作方法、对陈旧手印的适用性及小颗粒悬浮液的放置时间进行了研究和探讨,并给出相应的结论。     

如何贯彻思想政治工作中的"以人为本"原则

“以人为本”已经成为新时期思想政治工作最基本的指导原则。在思想政治工作中贯彻“以人为本”的原则,就是切实地尊重人、理解人、关心人、爱护人和严格要求人。为此,必须努力在全社会形成“以人为本”的文化氛围,以民主、务实的工作作风服务人,学会善解人意、关怀他人的工作艺术,并把思想政治工作与严格的规范化管理结合起来。     

社会主义新农村建设视野下我国农村教育的困境与出路

社会主义新农村建设是我国社会主义现代化进程中的重大历史任务,农村教育的发展在社会主义新农村建设中具有非常重要的意义.但目前,我国农村教育在发展过程中存在较多的问题与困境,影响社会主义新农村的建设与和谐社会的建构及科学发展观的树立.因此,探讨社会主义新农村建设视野下我国农村教育的困境与出路具有极其重要的现实意义.     

家事审判制：家事诉讼程序与家事法庭

家事案件因其高度人身属性而不同于普通民事争议,当事人相互之间的关系既具有终身性又可变的两面性,彼此利益既统一又分离;双方的自由合意和处分权受到较大限制。为更好地适应家事争议当事人的特殊利益需要,应对家事案件数量持续增长,促进家事争议处理质量的提高,我国宜借鉴德国、日本、英国等国司法改革经验,制定独立的家事诉讼程序,在法院设立专职审理家事案件的家事法庭乃至家庭法院,配备擅长于调处家事纠纷的法官及专职辅助人员,尽快构建家事审判制度。宜把司法裁判定位为解决家事争议的最后手段;鼓励当事人利用和解等多元化途径解决家事争议,化解家庭矛盾和冲突,提高家事争议解决的司法效率和社会综合效果。     

老字号品牌对城市意象影响力研究综述

鲜明的城市意象（The Image the City）反映了生活期间的人们对自己城市文化、城市形态（Good City Form）主观的感知。本文评述了国内外学者在城市意象研究中商业老品牌城市符号作用的相关理论阐述,指出未来的研究中可以考虑从商业品牌内在要素对所生存的原生态城市环境内在诸要素的影响,设计相应的研究方向。     

Forging the Future of American Security with a Total Force Strategy

An intense debate now rages concerning whether the Army should be preparing and organizing to conduct more ambiguous, irregular operations or focus on maintaining its well honed edge in high-intensity warfare. The terms of the debate are clearly affected by the fact that United States is currently embroiled in perilous counterinsurgency and other irregular operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. Should the Army recalibrate itself to wage counterinsurgency and other irregular operations more effectively, or does it need to keep doing what it does best with an eye to future conventional warfare? Given the impossibility of accurately predicting the character of future conflict, it is necessary for the Army to strike a balance between the extremes. But for the Army to effectively implement a policy of “balance,” it must be prepared to dramatically change the way it organizes itself and drop its opposition to specializing its forces for irregular and conventional warfare, respectively. The approach that the Army should take should be based upon a Total Force construct. By utilizing the entire Total Force portfolio, it should be possible to better optimize the mix of ground units prepared for conventional war, irregular war or peace operations to avoid a mis-match between national security strategy and military force. In this manner, it may be possible to stake our claim on the hard won lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, yet hedge against the unknowable future.     

Dangerous Revisionism: On the Founders, ‘Neocons’ and the Importance of History

Debates regarding the Bush Administration's grand strategy began long before the forty-third president left office. A group of distinguished historians and political scientists have argued over the course of the last few years that the Administration's grand strategy did not represent a major break with historical precedent, as is sometimes argued, but continued the evangelical support for liberty that has always made the United States a “dangerous nation” to tyrants. Along the way, this revisionism creates straw men, and co-opts or redefines terms that are central to the traditional understanding of U.S. foreign policy. It also seems to misunderstand grand strategy itself, focusing almost entirely on continuity of ends while ignoring the rather glaring discontinuities in the ways that generations of U.S. presidents have chosen to pursue them. Overall, the revisionist project fails in both of its tasks, which are: To make the case that the Bush administration took actions of which the Founding Fathers would have understood and approved; and by implication, to justify the unnecessary, tragic war in Iraq.     

Beyond Primacy: Hegemony and ‘Security Addiction’ in U.S. Grand Strategy

The George W. Bush administration embraced a particularly aggressive counter-terrorist and counter-proliferation strategy after the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The “Bush Doctrine,” as it became known, reflects a “primacist” approach to grand strategy that aims not only to eliminate global terrorist networks and cowl rogue state proliferators, but also to dissuade potential near-peer competitors from challenging the American-centred international system. Critics expect that this ambitious approach to strategic affairs has become unsustainable in the face of the growing quagmire in Iraq. But “security addiction” in the post-9/11 environment has instead created conditions for a bipartisan consensus on the overall direction, if not the particular modalities, of “primacist” grand strategies. Despite the unpopularity of the Bush administration and significant American commitments to Afghanistan and Iraq, it is highly unlikely that President Barack Obama will heed calls for military retrenchment or strategic restraint.