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991.
吴瑕 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2006,(5):54-57
俄罗斯与印度作为昔日的战略盟友、今日的战略伙伴,两国历届领导人都非常重视双方在军事领域的合作与发展,军事技术交流及武器装备贸易通常是两国元首最高会晤中的重要话题之一。深入分析与研究俄印两国之间军事领域合作的新内容、新特点和新动向,可以清晰地看出,俄印两国保持密切的军事合作关系,一方面是出于双方的军事利益的需要,另一方面也是为了巩固和提高双方各自在国际政治舞台上的地位和作用。俄印军事领域的合作完全是一种相互依靠、相互利用的态势。 相似文献
992.
韩国零售业态发展及政府规制 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
一国零售业态的发展与其经济发展阶段具有明显的相关性。韩国经济经历了高速增长和市场开放及资本自由化阶段后,便利店、廉价店等新业态大量进入,给韩国以大型百货店和商品交易市场为主导业态的传统零售业态带来了冲击。新型业态基本是模仿国外业态形式或随外资进入的,大型廉价店等新业态在本土化适应过程中不断调整,形成韩国特色。将韩国零售业态置于经济发展过程来考察,会发现与日本战后经济发展的阶段性以及现代零售业态的发展轨迹和政府政策规制的方向具有极大的相似性。我国也呈现出与韩国、日本的相似性。观察韩国零售业态演进过程及其特征,给中国零售业态发展研究提供了一个参照,对总结后发展国家零售业态发展规律具有重要意义。 相似文献
993.
“10 3”机制是指东盟10国与中国、日本、韩国三国领导人举行的会议,是东盟于1997年成立30周年时发起的。“10 3”领导人会议每年举行一次。目前,“10 3”机制已发展成为东亚地区合作的主渠道,发挥着推动东亚地区经济融合的主要作用。在“10 3”机制中,由于成员国众多,在其中的 相似文献
994.
Many surveys show that China’s political regime, under the Chinese Communist Party’s authoritarian rules, enjoys a high level of public support. However, it is still uncertain whether China’s emerging middle class will become the “agent of democratization” as suggested by modernization theory. Using the data of Asian Barometer Survey conducted in China in 2011, this article demonstrates that the relationship between class identity and preference for liberal democracy in China may be inverted U-shaped. The Chinese middle class shows a higher preference to features of liberal democratic regimes than its counterparts of the lower- and upper-class. Members of the Chinese middle class also tend to regard democracy as the best form of government. Thus, the middle class has the potential to initiate democratization in China if the Chinese government fails to keep satisfying the middle class’ quest for economic well-being and protection of property rights. 相似文献
995.
Bernhard Reinsberg 《The Review of International Organizations》2017,12(2):199-226
Over the past two decades, earmarked funding to international development organizations through special-purpose trust funds has increased greatly. This paper studies the incentives for trust funds from the perspective of multilateral agencies, notably the World Bank. A theoretically intriguing type of funds are so-called “pass-on funds,” in which one unit hosts the fund, then passes on its resources to another type of unit for implementation. Each unit has different preferences for the specific types of activities to be supported by the fund. Interviews with World Bank staff and complementary documents demonstrate the rationale for pass-on funds and the associated division of labor between fundraising network units and implementing regional units. While pass-on funds reflect an efficient division of labor between functionally specialized units, they increase the misalignment between sector-specific global priorities and country-specific needs. Organizational reform drove the sudden explosion of pass-on funds around the millennium turn, facilitated by growing availability of donor monies for specific sectors and by lenient internal regulation. Organizational reform undermined budget autonomy of sector units, causing those units to seek new funds in their areas of expertise. A number of reform features also reduced administrative budgets of country units, increasing their demand for pass-on funding grants. The results contribute to the emerging literature on earmarked funding and highlight the need to consider international organizations as heterogeneous actors. 相似文献
996.
Asia is Europe’s largest trading partner and EU-Asia trade relations have undergone a rapid change since the global financial crisis. On a global scale, the new multilateral trade agreements such as the now stalled Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) involving European Unions’ (EU) major trading partners such as Japan, Singapore and Vietnam also have the potential to change the trade equations. In this paper, we evaluate the new EU trade policy which has been designed to ensure that the EU benefits from the changing global trade scenario and also look at the steps which have been taken by the EU to promote trade relations with its major trading partners in Asia in the predicted ‘Asian century’. We look into the Free Trade Agreements, which are being negotiated with its Asian partners and seek to understand the reasons which have resulted in delays in their signing and negotiations. We evaluate new policies pushed forward by its Asian partners such as the One Belt One Road policy by China and Japan’s policy of securing a large number of trading agreements in the America. Moving ahead, we also shed light on the indirect factors that may influence the success of EU trade negotiations in Asia such as the EU policy on granting China market economy status and the commencement of the ‘Brexit’ process. Lastly, we try to present a list of immediate priorities for EU in Asia, which will ensure that it secures a toehold in trade with the region. All in all, it is shown that the EU has not one and the same approach for all Asian countries but it negotiates flexibly and individually country by country. Because of this “country by country approach” the EU is also not ready to enter into general EU-ASEAN trade negotiations again. 相似文献
997.
This article presents a conceptual framework for analyzing the structure and dynamics of what the authors call linked systems of negotiations. Even such seemingly straightforward transactions as the purchase of a family car tend to involve linked negotiations. The framework highlights the importance of internegotiation processes in shaping Zones of Possible Agreement, and proposes a typology of linkage. By mapping out and reengineering linked systems, negotiators can enhance their ability to shape the structure within which their negotiations take place. 相似文献
998.
999.
吴飞飞 《南京大学法律评论》2013,(2):238-252
刑法条文对滥用职权罪客观行为要件作出简单罪状式的规定使得理论上对何为滥用职权认识很不统一,这也导致司法实践中对其把握上的模棱两可。这种模糊认识最直接的后果就是可能导致随意出入人罪。滥用职权罪可由不作为构成,超越职权的判断无须具备本权相对应,可以认为行为人具有一般的职务权限并且其超越职权行为利用了其应有的职权的便利进而造成重大损失的即可认定为超越职权。不作为的滥用职权罪与玩忽职守罪的关键区别在于行为人的主观方面不同,应当准确区分不作为滥用职权罪与故意杀人罪的不同。 相似文献
1000.
我国传统的刑法学理论于20世纪50年代继承自前苏联的刑法学。因政治运动的影响,此种理论一度受到抑制甚至被废弃。进入20世纪80年代,传统刑法学基本处于恢复与重建的状态。传统刑法学是在法律虚无主义的背景下成长起来的,其构建本身就与当 相似文献