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981.
Boğaç A. Ergene 《Law & social inquiry》2013,38(4):1041-1057
This review essay engages Kristen Stilt's recent book, Islamic Law in Action: Authority, Discretion, and Everyday Experiences in Mamluk Egypt (2011), in a fashion that highlights its contributions to the study of Islamic law. In particular, it underlines the methodological arguments made in the book that might help us think about Islamic legal practice in sophisticated and historically grounded ways. As elaborated in the article, these arguments have important implications for modern as well historical settings. Specifically, Stilt's discussion of “Islamic law in action” reveals the inherent flexibility of Islamic legal practice to accommodate political change. The article also discusses how further research on the topic could benefit from specific approaches and orientations. 相似文献
982.
目的建立分泌抗三唑仑代谢物α-羟基三唑仑单克隆抗体的杂交瘤细胞株,制备高特异性的三唑仑代谢物单克隆抗体,为三唑仑及其代谢物免疫分析方法的开发奠定基础。方法在三唑仑分子的6位苯环对位上引入活性氨基基团,然后通过缩合反应分别与匙孔血蓝蛋白(KLH)和牛血清白蛋白(BSA)相偶联形成完全抗原。以三唑仑-KLH免疫Balb/c小鼠,通过细胞融合,筛选等杂交瘤技术建立稳定的分泌特异性单克隆抗体的杂交瘤细胞株。纯化后的单克隆抗体,分别用SDS-PAGE电泳法、间接ELISA法和胶体金免疫层析法对其纯度、效价及灵敏度和特异性进行测定。结果获得3株能稳定分泌三唑仑代谢物单克隆抗体的杂交瘤细胞株,分别命名为2G4,4B2和5H6。2G4和4B2抗体只与三唑仑代谢物α-羟基三唑仑有反应,灵敏度分别为500ng/mL和750ng/mL。与其他参试物无交叉反应。因5H6抗体为IgM,考虑到纯化难度和实际应用的限制,暂未做深入研究。结论本研究制备的2G4和4B2单克隆抗体仅识别三唑仑代谢物α-羟基三唑仑,具有高度特异性和灵敏度。 相似文献
983.
984.
Boğaç A. Ergene 《The History of the Family》2013,18(1):30-46
Based on probate estate inventories from eighteenth-century Kastamonu in north Anatolia, this study examines intergenerational mobility patterns in one Ottoman provincial town. Although the topic is well-studied in many Western contexts, historical and contemporary, we still know little about the ways in which socioeconomic disparities and class identities were transmitted across subsequent generations of parents and children in the Ottoman Empire. In order to explore this issue in a sophisticated fashion, this article introduces quantitative techniques and categories of analysis tailored specifically for Ottoman sources. In addition to other findings, our analysis suggests that Kastamonu in the eighteenth century was vertically and horizontally segmented: Not only were there significant impediments to intergenerational mobility across privileged and underprivileged sectors of the society, such transitions were also infrequent across sub-groups within upper and lower classes. Despite a general lack of intergenerational fluidity at all socioeconomic levels, however, our calculations also reveal that the provincial elite were particularly immobile. 相似文献
985.
Between poverty and prosperity: China’s dependent development and the ‘middle-income trap’ 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Despite China’s rapid economic growth in the past three decades, Chinese officials and experts are increasingly worried that the country is slowly heading towards the ‘middle-income trap’. The fear is that China might suffer the same stagnation and turbulence as Latin American economies did in the 1980s and 1990s. Will China be able to avoid this trap? Building on the insights of world-systems theory, this paper argues that China’s dependent development, although enabling it to escape the ‘poverty trap’, is likely to bog it down in the ‘middle-income trap’. China’s heavy reliance upon foreign technologies and investment has harmful effects on its economy. Dependent development not only increases China’s economic vulnerability but also truncates domestic industries. To escape the trap, the Chinese state should play a more active role in shifting its growth model away from low-end commodity manufacturing to knowledge-based, high value-added activities. 相似文献
986.
987.
Lars Bo Langsted 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(2):133-141
With the background knowledge that Denmark is one of the least corrupt nations in the world, this article explores the case of a mayor who for eight years worked ‘miracles’ for ‘his’ municipality but was later revealed to have built this community on circumvention of control mechanisms and laws. For this (and for his overwhelming consumption of expensive wines at the taxpayers’ expense) he was later sentenced to four years of imprisonment. He was not driven by personal economic gain, but more likely by a mixture between creating a municipality of his dreams and the almost absolute power that he ended up with just before the scandal hit the headlines. The case was revealed by two journalists from a yellow newspaper, but very soon police and other authorities as well as his fellow politicians followed up on the revelations, and his former political friends turned their back on him. It is not the story of a mayor who was bribed – but of a mayor who turned out to be ‘corrupt’ in a wider sense of the word. 相似文献
988.
European labour markets are often described as rigid with comparatively high levels of job protection that do not allow for the flexible adjustment of employment to economic fluctuations. This interpretation overlooks important sources of flexibility, however. Research has shown that recent labour market policy reforms have allowed for the creation of two‐tier labour markets consisting of insiders in standard employment relationships and outsiders in non‐standard employment. This outcome has typically been explained by pointing to the representational interests of unions or social‐democratic parties. It has been argued that rather than protecting all labour market participants, unions and social‐democratic parties focus on the interests of their members and their core constituency, respectively, most of whom are in standard employment relationships. In contrast, it is argued here that unions' institutional power resources are the crucial variable explaining this outcome. In difficult economic times, when unions are asked to make concessions, they will assent to labour market reforms, but only to those that do not fundamentally threaten to undermine their organisational interests. In the context of job security legislation, this means that unions defend the protection of permanent contracts while they compromise on the regulation of temporary employment. This ‘second best solution’ allows them to protect their organisational interests, both by retaining their institutional role in the administration of dismissals and by living up to their institutional role as one of the organisations responsible for the direction of labour market policy reform. Using fsQCA this article shows that unions' institutional power resources are more apt to explain the observed two‐tier reform pattern than the unions' or the social‐democratic parties' representational interests. 相似文献
989.
990.
思想政治教育思维方式是指思想政治教育者在思想政治教育的理论研究和实际工作中形成的相对稳定的认识模式、思想理路和观念程式,它以思想政治教育者为思维主体,以思想政治教育活动为思维客体,以思想政治教育者特定的语言、知识、观念和方法为基本内核,自成一个有机的系统。思想政治教育思维方式具有突出的主体性、典型的中介性、鲜明的时代性和相对的稳定性,发挥着选择功能、整合功能、转化功能和调控功能。社会环境、文化传统与思想政治教育者的素质结构是影响思想政治教育思维方式的主要因素。 相似文献