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H. Zeynep Bulutgil 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2020,30(2):221-243
ABSTRACTWhat are the conditions that determine the electoral success of parties that champion deprived ethnic groups? What is the impact of within-group inequality on this outcome? Existing arguments focus on the role of institutions or the relationship between ethnicity and other social cleavages. This paper contributes to the second approach by studying the impact of within-group as well as between-group inequality on ethnic voting. We use elections to state legislatures within India to control for institutional and historical factors that may influence ethnic voting. Using data from the National Sample Survey, we calculate inequality in consumption expenditure. We show that high within-group economic inequality among deprived ethnic groups hinders the electoral success of parties that champion these groups, whereas high between-group economic inequality has the opposite effect. Our findings also identify a potential causal mechanism (preference heterogeneity) that might link within-group inequality to ethnic voting. 相似文献
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James Adams Lawrence Ezrow Zeynep Somer‐Topcu 《American journal of political science》2014,58(4):967-978
Recent studies analyze how citizens update their perceptions of parties’ left‐right positions in response to new political information. We extend this research to consider the issue of European integration, and we report theoretical and empirical analyses that citizens do not update their perceptions of parties’ positions in response to election manifestos, but that citizens’ perceptions of parties’ positions do track political experts’ perceptions of these positions, and, moreover, that it is party supporters who disproportionately perceive their preferred party's policy shifts. Given that experts plausibly consider a wide range of information, these findings imply that citizens weigh the wider informational environment when assessing parties’ positions. We also present evidence that citizens’ perceptions of party position shifts matter, in that they drive partisan sorting in the mass public. 相似文献
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COMMENTARY ON WARSHAK'S "BLANKET RESTRICTIONS: OVERNIGHT CONTACT BETWEEN PARENTS AND YOUNG CHILDREN"
Zeynep Biringen Jennifer Greve-Spees Wynette Howard David Leigh Litsa Tanner Sarah Moore Sayaka Sakoguchi Larry Williams 《Family Court Review》2002,40(2):204-207
In a previous issue of this journal, Richard A. Warshak provided a summary of the developmental literature as it bears on overnight restrictions during custody arrangements. Here, the authors comment on points of agreement and disagreement with Warshak based on their reading of the theoretical and empirical literature on development. Particular reference is made to Warshak's interpretation of attachment theory and research. Points of agreement include the importance of fathers and all caregivers in the infant/young child's life as well as the overstatement in the literature of the significance of separation experiences and a "sensitive period" for attachment. Points of clear disagreement include what the author contends is an erroneous review of the empirical literature on overnights with other caregivers. Based on their review of the data on overnight visitation, the authors conclude on a more cautious note. 相似文献
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Zeynep Kivilcim Forsman 《European Law Journal》2004,10(5):580-594
Abstract: The European Community legislator regulates the area of genetically modified organisms according to the precautionary principle, which implies keeping a distance from scientific results in decision-making. However, a positivist approach continues to exist within the same legislation. Paradoxically, this approach is promoted by the means of implementation of the precautionary principle. But to a large extent, it takes root in the context of the interpretation of the principle by the Community legislator, who attempts to eliminate disparities between the national legislations and to conform to World Trade Organization norms. 相似文献
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No‐confidence motions (NCMs) are attempts by opposition parties to publicise the government's failings in a salient policy arena, and previous research has shown that they often negatively affect citizens' evaluations of governing parties' competence and damage their electoral prospects. Yet currently there is a lack of understanding of how opposition parties respond ideologically to these NCMs. It is argued in this article that opposition parties should distance themselves from the government challenged by NCMs to show that they are different from the incompetent government and to compete for the votes that the government is likely to lose. Using a sample of 19 advanced democracies from 1970–2007, empirical evidence is presented that NCMs encourage political parties to move their positions away from the government's position, especially in the presence of reinforcing negative signals about government performance. These results have important implications for our understanding of opposition party policy change, for the economic voting literature, and for the spatial and valence models of party competition. 相似文献
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We argue that governing status affects how voters react to extreme versus moderate policy positions. Being in government forces parties to compromise and to accept ideologically unappealing choices as the best among available alternatives. Steady exposure to government parties in this role and frequent policy compromise by governing parties lead voters to discount the positions of parties when they are in government. Hence, government parties do better in elections when they offset this discounting by taking relatively extreme positions. The relative absence of this discounting dynamic for opposition parties, on the other hand, means that they perform better by taking more moderate positions, as the standard Downsian model would predict. We present evidence from national elections in Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom, 1971–2005, to support this claim. 相似文献
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H. Özden Bademci E. Figen Karadayı İpek Güzide Pur Karabulut Zeynep Kurt Nasir Warfa 《Child & Youth Services》2017,38(4):272-284
Child laborers are typically subjected to multiple and chronic traumatic experiences. With no parents or caregivers to act as a buffer zone against stressors, they grow up in chaotic and unpredictable work environments. Child laborers are more at risk of developing a range of psychological, emotional, and behavioral problems. The authors established an 8-month psychosocial support program for child laborers and young people attending a vocational training center one day a week. The authors found that anxiety and depression moderately correlated with negative self-concept, somatization, and hostility. Toward the end of the 8-month program, participants reported improved psychological and emotional well-being. The provision of a safe and mediated psychosocial program enhanced the emotional and mental well-being of vulnerable children and young people. 相似文献