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Hans van de Ven 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):205-237
The arrest in May 1942 of Liao Chengzhi – a CCP spy chief as well as the son of a celebrated KMT elder assassinated in 1925 – is considered a Big Case in China. Using the original KMT case file on Liao Chengzhi, van de Ven describes how the KMT's secret service turned the Jiangxi Provincial Committee and then arrested leading members of the CCP in south China and thereby eliminated its organization there. The article further uses letters by prominent CCP and KMT personalities involved in the case to suggest the existence of a revolutionary aristocracy bound by personal relations and with an elite code of conduct. When the political will was present, members of this elite deployed their personal connections in the search for solutions to complex political problems. 相似文献
104.
Suzanne de Brunhoff 《Economy and Society》2013,42(4):421-430
The fundamental distinction between Ricardo and Marx is once more examined, chiefly with reference to the current spread, among some leftwing economists, of a neo-Ricardian school. So a crucial point seems to be the particular meaning, which is quite a-Ricardian, of the first section of the Capital. Anyhow, this section is often misunderstood, because of its difficulty, and its philosophical form. 相似文献
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Abstract. The strike by the United Nations personnel in Geneva in February-March 1976 confirmed the tendency of international civil servants to unionize themselves and to apply collective pressure within a framework which, traditionally, did not lend itself to this type of action. Even though the strikers obtained salary increases for themselves and for their colleagues in other United Nations agencies situated in Geneva (essentially the World Health Organization (who ) and the International Labour Office (ilo )), the strike had unfavourable consequences with regard to the international secretariats. Thus the local and international press accused the un ‘bureaucrats’ of being too numerous, over-paid and too political. Some civil servants protested against the over-militant attitude of their own associations or unions and dissension arose within the Federation of these associations. The salary increases entailed an additional expenditure of 25.3 million for all the organizations involved. This made the who and ilo reduce their staff and drew criticism over staff management at the un from the Joint Inspection Unit (jiu ) and several governmental delegations. The negative reaction of who member states to the demands for additional funds, together with an initiative of the ‘77’ group aimed at reducing administrative expenses in order to redirect the organization's resources towards technical cooperation, led to a staff reduction at the who headquarters of some 20 per cent in four years; at the ilo , the staff was reduced by 7.3 per cent in two years. Following the serious criticism by the Joint Inspection Unit concerning the lack of coherence and strictness on the part of the administrations, the General Assembly of the United Nations decided to transfer the responsibility for setting up new salary scales in Geneva from the heads of the Secretariats to the Commission of International Public Service; it also called upon the un Secretary General to speed up the reforms in staff policy and administration. Through its repercussions the 1976 strike brought to light the fragility of international institutions, whose existence is entirely dependent upon the goodwill of member states, as well as the limits of union activities by associations of international civil servants. 相似文献
107.
This article reviews the vibrant literature on policy growth in political science and adjacent disciplines, thus offering a conceptual framework for situating past and future research efforts and facilitating the engagement between them. The first part presents important concepts that capture policy growth or aspects of it (rule growth, policy layering, policy mixes, policy accumulation, policyscapes, the policy state) and dominant measurement approaches. The second part provides an overview of the main drivers of policy growth in advanced democracies, discussing the role of societal demands, political competition, institutional fragmentation, and bureaucratic processes. The third part outlines the multi-faceted and far-reaching consequences of policy growth for policy, politics, and the polity. While policy growth is often portrayed as the price to pay for upholding the democratic capitalist order in constantly modernizing and diversifying societies, the existing research also points to the negative consequences emanating from increased state activity. Policy growth not only threatens to overburden bureaucracies and thereby undermine policy effectiveness; it may also transform the institutional structure of the democratic state and make its politics more complicated and conflictual. 相似文献
108.
Christina de Bellaigue 《Women's history review》2018,27(5):799-818
This article examines the medical literature published in France in the period 1800–1870 on the subject of puberty and menstruation to argue that, in conjunction with the extension of school life for bourgeois girls, the period saw the emergence of a distinctive conception of feminine adolescence that pre-dates the better-known concepts articulated in the late nineteenth century. It goes on to look beyond the scientific discourse to ask what impact this new medical understanding had on the management of girls’ puberty, examining first the way it affected school practice, before using a detailed case-study of the life of Solange Dudevant to highlight the ways in which medicalised understandings of puberty and menstruation co-existed with other forms of knowledge. 相似文献
109.
Nicole de Montricher 《Public administration》2000,78(3):657-678
The article intends to explain why although tremendous changes have occurred in the structure of government – especially the laws organizing decentralization since 1982 – the institution of the Prefect is still alive in the year 2000. Created in 1800, the institution of the Prefect derives from the will of the central authority to rely on its own representatives to ensure that public policies will be equally implemented over the whole territory. This objective remains but it has to be combined with the objectives of decentralization which are to transfer a number of responsibilities to elected bodies. Consequently, the task of the Prefect is to co-ordinate locally the action of the representatives of the ministers with the action of the elected body. To study the conditions under which the institution carries out this task the article focuses primarily on the limited capacity of the Prefect to mobilize the relevant actors. The second point concerns the difficulty of bringing together the information produced by field services. The third point considers the valuation of proximity and its impact on the action of the Prefect. The article concludes that the function of the Prefect is still the framing of local action but within the new context this can be done more often through the diffusion of information and less often through authority. 相似文献
110.
Explaining differences in productive efficiency: An application to Belgian municipalities 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
The purpose of this paper is to measure and explain variations in productive efficiency of municipal governments in Belgium. Technical efficiency is evaluated using a non-parametric method based on the Free Disposal Hull (FDH) reference technology. We first calculate input, output, and graph Farrell efficiency measures for a cross-section of all 589 Belgian municipalities. In a second stage of the analysis we explain the calculated differences in efficiency in terms of variables related to the structural characteristics of municipalities and to the institutional environment. 相似文献