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121.
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The Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (RMDSZ) has been the most stable actor in the Romanian party system over the past two decades. However, in this article, we argue that beyond this apparent stability, the linkages between RMDSZ and its voters have undergone a gradual, yet significant shift. The ethnic block voting of Transylvanian Hungarians was closely connected to the concept of a self-standing and parallel “Minority Society,” and to the practices of institution building that the minority elites engaged in in the early 1990s. However, since its first participation in the Romanian government in 1996, RMDSZ has gradually departed from this strategy, a phenomenon that was also closely connected to a process of elite change within the organization. The present RMDSZ leadership puts less and less emphasis on policy programs that could reinforce the institutional system of the minority; consequently, it is unable (and unwilling) to organizationally integrate the community activists of the minority society who previously had played a key role in the process of (electoral) mobilization. At the rhetorical level, RMDSZ did not abandon the goal of building a parallel Hungarian minority society, but in its linkages to the Hungarian electorate, clientelistic exchanges have become predominant. 相似文献
123.
Jessica N. Pabón 《Women & Performance》2014,24(1):8-14
Jessica N. Pabón interviews graffiti artist Abby Andrews, a.k.a. AbbyTC5, about her canvas painting Queens, the image on the front cover of the special issue. 相似文献
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This paper discusses the role of the electoral system in making the Justice and Development Party (AKP) dominant. Drawing on Sartori’s framework, we first clarify the concept of a predominant party system. Second, we examine the impact of the electoral system on the emergence of a predominant party system in Turkey. Analysing election results, we argue that the electoral system fosters dominance in three ways. First, a combination of electoral formula, national threshold and district threshold leads to over‐representation of large parties and under‐representation of small ones. Second, the fear of a wasted vote due to the high threshold prompts voters to support their second‐best option, which concentrates the votes among large parties. Finally, the electoral system increases electoral turnout rates by extending polarization. 相似文献
126.
王筱 《贵州警官职业学院学报》2020,32(3):24-30
当今社会,性贿赂已然成为重要的贿赂方式,其对国家工作人员的腐蚀力甚至高于其他财物型贿赂。然则我国刑法并未将性贿赂纳入其规制范围,理论界对性贿赂入罪与否争论不断,实务中对性贿赂的处置方式不尽相同,这直接削弱了我国刑法对性贿赂的规制力度。应当试图跳出性贿赂入罪与否的争论漩涡,在现行刑法框架下探寻性贿赂的刑法规制路径;应当将间接性贿赂中的雇佣型性贿赂所涉赃款直接认定为受贿数额,将直接性贿赂与间接性贿赂中的指示型性贿赂直接规定为贿赂犯罪的法定从重处罚情节。 相似文献
127.
Do the illegal and legal rents of politicians affect municipal election outcomes? Empirical evidence
Bernardino Benito María-Dolores Guillamón Ana-María Ríos Francisco Bastida 《Local Government Studies》2019,45(4):546-568
This paper aims to analyse whether illegal (corruption) and legal rent extraction (high politicians’ wages) affect electoral outcomes at municipal level. We use an initial sample of 145 Spanish municipalities over 50,000 for two electoral periods: 2004–2007 (before the crisis) and 2008–2011 (during the crisis). Our findings show that neither illegal nor legal rent extraction impact on re-election in non-crisis times. However, we observe that citizens penalize legal rent extraction in the ballots during the crisis. Regarding the economic performance of the local governments, we find that its effect on re-election is important in non-crisis period. Nevertheless, in time of crisis, given that the economic situation is bad in general in the country, voters pay less attention to economic factors and focus on politicians’ behaviour. 相似文献
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认罪认罚案件上诉权的设置存在多元价值冲突的情形,基于公正价值与效率价值的平衡需要,应当明确赋予认罪认罚案件被告人上诉权.在上诉权的设置上,应当对适用速裁程序审理的认罪认罚案件被告人的上诉权进行限制,要求速裁案件被告人上诉必须有正当理由,而认罪认罚案件适用其他程序审理的则无需附加理由.速裁案件被告人上诉的正当理由主要包括... 相似文献
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