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Objective: The purpose of this study is to determine demographical characteristics leading to crime recidivism and define anger levels and anger expression manners for those who re-commit crime.Method: All the literate inmates in zmit Closed Penitentiary were included in this cross-sectional study. The prisoners were asked to respond to State-Trait Anger Expression Inventory. Their socio-demographic data were collected and a questionnaire was given to them to determine their state of imprisonment, sentence, nature of the crime in which they were involved, their criminal history, their relationship with inmates and prison staff and substance and alcohol use.Results: Of the 438 prisoners, 302 (68.9%) responded to the questionnaires. Crime recidivism among the study cohort was observed to be 37.4%.Mean trait anger, anger out and anger in scores were significantly higher in prisoners with criminal recidivism in comparison with those who did not have prior criminal records. However, mean anger control scores for prisoners with or without criminal recidivism were similar. Unemployment, education level completed at secondary school or below, having committed a crime under the influence of alcohol or narcotics, having been involved in prison fights, having resisted police officers, caused damage in their vicinity when angry and violent crimes were all found to be possible causes of criminal recidivism. Educational level completed at secondary school or below, getting into fights with other prisoners, unemployment and resisting police officers were determined to be the strongest indicators to predict criminal recidivism when all variables were considered according to a logistic regression model.Conclusion: It can be proposed that those who have problems with officials or hostile towards others constitute a risk group for criminal recidivism. If prisoners with criminal recidivism can be helped to identify and control their anger, their risk of committing a new crime can be minimised.  相似文献   
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People vote although their marginal gain from voting is zero.We contribute to the resolution of this paradox by presentinga model for equilibrium configuration of attitudes regardingthe decision to vote. Each individual is seen as an element ofa social network, within which pairs of individuals expressideas and attitudes, exerting mutual influence. We model therole of such networks in propagating the mutual influenceacross pairs of individuals. We show that it may suffice thata small set of individuals have a strong feeling about showingup to vote to generate a significant turnout in elections.  相似文献   
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We suggest the use of the mismatch distribution methodology as an easy way to estimate the distance between all pairs of haplotypes present in a sample. This approach allows the evaluation of the proportion of pairs of Y-STR haplotypes that are prone to become identical by state (IBS), in one generation, by recurrent mutation, a statistic of major importance in the forensic field. The mismatch approach presents some advantages alternatively to the empirical one, since it is not necessary to have simultaneous information on STRs and SNPs, and it allows the evaluation of IBS also within-haplogroups. The estimation of IBS at an European scale showed that there is a high population substructuring for this parameter, increasing from southern-central European countries towards west and north, in accordance to what was found for Y-biallelic markers. This result seems to imply a more careful use of large databases for matching evaluation, even in the absence of population structure for general Y-STR diversity. Furthermore, mismatch distribution can be used to measure the distance between a particular haplotype and all the haplotypes in a sample. When applied to the most frequent haplotypes in Europe it revealed that the opportunity for IBS is not directly related to the frequency of a haplotype, but highly dependent on the proportion of neighbouring haplotypes—so, that reporting on the haplotype frequency for evaluating the significance of a match can be misleading.  相似文献   
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In recent years scholars have devoted substantial attention to the “implementation” phase of the policy-making process. Analytical efforts have focused on the identification of variable sets as they are associated with the outcomes of public policies and programs. This article will discuss these program implementation conceptualizations within the context of a landmark court decision. This court decision, Wyatt v. Stickney, impacted to a profound degree the lives of residents in institutions for the mentally retarded. Finally, based on the analysis of this case, the authors cite limitations and propose future directions for social policy implementation analysis as a scholarly emphasis.  相似文献   
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领导干部考核中“德”之解读   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
中国改革开放以来一个重要的发展推动力是干部考核体制的建立与实施。考核体系里的核心指标"德"、"能"、"勤"、"绩"、"廉"中,"德"的考核往往由于缺乏硬性的衡量方法备受争议,也经常流于形式。本文通过对古今中外关于"德"的思想的讨论和回顾,说明了"德"的考量在古往今来的管理活动中的重要性及其丰富的内涵。作者结合中国现阶段的发展需要提出,"德"的核心要求应该是干部对中国发展的信心、对党领导人民从传统走向现代的伟大事业的理解、忠诚和奉献的理想主义的精神,对善恶的评价和判断能力,强烈的爱护和保护人民的公正心和正义感。在现有考核办法中,对于干部公正素质的要求和考核有必要得到进一步加强。  相似文献   
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孙学峰  徐勇 《当代亚太》2012,(5):80-96,159
1997年亚洲金融危机之后,与美国的其他东亚盟国相比,泰国对华政治安全政策明显较为温和。本文认为,推动泰国温和应对中国崛起的根本因素在于危机之后泰国不断强化其经济优先的国内战略。为了落实这一发展战略,与中国没有直接安全矛盾的泰国,乐于采取温和的政治安全政策以强化与中国的友好关系,深化与中国的经济合作,为其落实经济优先战略创造更为有利的外部条件。在这一过程中,中国在泰国处于危难之际及时提供援助对于泰国温和政策的形成也发挥了一定的作用。泰国的经验表明,与中国没有战略矛盾并不足以保证周边国家采取温和政策,以积极应对中国实力的不断崛起。更加值得注意的是,泰国因注重与中国的经济合作而在政治安全上温和应对中国崛起的实践非常特殊,并不具有普遍性。中国有必要尽早实现东亚地区经济政策和安全政策的协调一致,并针对东亚国家安全政策和安全威胁的不同特点,设计差异化的安全政策,以有效缓解在周边外交中遭遇的崛起困境。  相似文献   
620.
In 1969, the UN delivered its Declaration on Social Progress and Development, clearly call- ing for the elimination of poverty; the assurance of a steady  相似文献   
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