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931.
A number of authors have proposed that firms can internalize externalities through their shareholders. This paper investigates this proposition, focusing on public bads. Theoretically it is, indeed, possible that shareholders decide that the firm reduces its public bads at the cost of profits, thereby increasing Pareto-efficiency. One of the factors which help determine the size of the reduction is the number of shareholders with a (very) small stake in the firm. The greater this number, the greater the reduction will tend to be. It is shown that the reduction in public bads can be reversed by takeovers, but under special conditions only while takeover defences may also be used. Unfortunately, there are a number of factors which significantly limit the internalization of external effects in practice. The paper also discusses a change in the legal share-voting system whereby the direct owners of the shares (i.e., the shareholders) no longer possess, in their capacity of direct owners, the legal right to vote at the General Meetings of firm owners. Instead, these rights become the property of the beneficial owners of the shares (i.e., the people who ultimately provided the money to buy the shares), but on the condition that they delegate their voting rights to a proxy voting institution. This institutional innovation may significantly increase the internalization of external effects among other things because many beneficial owners have a tiny stake in the firm. 相似文献
932.
Any system for the protection of intellectual property rights (IPRs) has three main kinds of distributive effects. It will determine or influence: (a) the types of objects that will be developed and for which IPRs will be sought; (b) the differential access various people will have to these objects; and (c) the distribution of the IPRs themselves among various actors. What this means to the area of pharmaceutical research is that many urgently needed medicines will not be developed at all, that the existing medicines will not be suitable for countries with a precarious health infrastructure or not target the disease variety that is prevalent in poorer regions. Such effects are commonly captured under the rubric of the “10/90 gap” in biomedical research. High prices will also restrict access to medicines as well endanger compliance to treatment schemes. IPRs are mainly held by multinational corporations situated in the developed world, which not only raises egalitarian concerns, but also severely limits the possibilities of companies in poorer countries to realize improvements on existing inventions, as they cannot financially afford to secure freedom to operate, which systematically shrinks the number of potential innovators. Those inequities lead to an enormous burden for the global poor and since no institution is willing to assume the responsibility to fulfil the right to health and the corresponding right of access to essential medicines, we have to analyse alternatives or additions to the actual intellectual property regimes in order to create new incentives to fill this gap. 相似文献
933.
Masana Ndinga-Kanga Hugo van der Merwe Daniel Hartford 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2020,14(1):22-41
ABSTRACTSince the advent of democracy in the 1990s, the South African political settlement has ushered into policy a progressive framework for the realization of socio-economic rights, enshrined by the Constitution. However, this political settlement has failed to translate into an economic and social settlement that results in just livelihood strategies and equitable service delivery that addresses historical grievances. Inadequate implementation of socio-economic policies designed to address injustice has contributed to weakening vertical cohesion between state and society. Analysing these two core conflict issues, access to service delivery and livelihood strategies, this article argues that the interaction of the political settlement and the ability of institutions to deliver effectively has negatively affected state-society relations and the legitimacy of the reconciliation agenda meant to support inter-group cohesion. 相似文献
934.
ABSTRACT Racial bias afflicts police practices across the globe. Police discrimination against and mistreatment of racial and ethnic minorities is indeed difficult to underestimate. While much attention has been thus paid to racially biased policing, fewer studies examine the question from the reverse angle, namely how the police themselves combat racist offences. This article offers empirical insights into the policing of racial hatred in Sweden, a relevant yet relatively understudied case. Drawing on interviews with police officers and crime investigators, I discuss law enforcement perspectives, e.g. perceptions and reasoning in relation to the investigation of racist offences. Findings evince a rather narrow approach as regards the constructions of racist motive that involves a relatively restricted use of bias labelling in identifying hate incidents, especially when the boundaries of racial hostility are perceived as blurred. I argue that while such an approach may reflect a legitimate effort to demonstrate the existence of a motive behind an offence, it may also lead to an underestimation of more mundane forms of racism and their harms inflicted upon racialized individuals and communities. The results have implications for ‘recognition’ and ‘belonging’ as benchmarks of democratic policing, and ‘the promise of inclusion’ associated with combatting hate crimes. 相似文献
935.
Erika J. van Elsas Anna Brosius Franziska Marquart Claes H. De Vreese 《West European politics》2020,43(4):944-968
AbstractPolitical misconduct is known to harm the politicians involved. Yet, we know less about how such events affect trust in political institutions. We study a real-world political malpractice affair in the European Commission, using a three-wave panel design to investigate how information about the affair influences trust in EU institutions. This enables us, first, to isolate the impact of new information on political trust, remedying endogeneity issues common in political trust research. Second, we assess which institutions are affected most (specificity) and whether effects depend upon citizens’ sophistication levels (conditionality). Finally, we assess the durability of effects over time. Our findings demonstrate that citizens obtain knowledge about EU affairs through the media, and use this knowledge in their trust evaluations. In doing so, citizens differentiate between EU and national institutions, with trust in the European Commission affected most. This suggests a sophisticated process and highlights the evaluative nature of political trust. 相似文献
936.
People have a need to Belief in a Just World (BJW) in which people get what they deserve. When people are confronted with
an event which threatens this BJW (e.g. when they witness a girl falling victim to rape), people try to maintain their existing
beliefs, for example, by blaming the innocent victim for her ill fate. We argue that this defensive process of blaming innocent
victims in essence stems from self-regulatory failure. In accordance with this line of reasoning, our first experiment shows
that when self-regulatory resources were depleted (i.e. in the case of high ego-depletion) before BJW threatening information
describing an innocent victim of a rape crime, the effect of BJW threat on victim blaming amplified. Study 2 shows that when
self-regulation was facilitated by means of self-affirmation after the BJW threatening information, the effect of BJW threat
on victim blaming vanished. Taken together, our findings suggest that coping with BJW threats involve self-regulatory processes
leading to more or less defensive reactions (like blaming innocent victims). When people’s self-regulatory resources are depleted,
they react more negatively to innocent victims when they constitute a stronger threat to the BJW. Facilitating self-regulation,
by means of self-affirmation, enables people to cope with BJW threatening information, thereby inhibiting the urge to blame
innocent victims. 相似文献
937.
Victims of intimate partner violence (IPV) are known to be at high risk for revictimization. Yet, to date, the mechanisms
explaining the link between victimization and revictimization of IPV have not been extensively studied. In the present prospective
study involving 74 female help-seeking victims of IPV, we investigated victim-related psychological mechanisms that may underlie
this link. With this study, we aim to contribute to the development of theory addressing these psychological mechanisms and
their role in explaining risk for IPV revictimization. Hypotheses regarding possibly relevant psychological mechanisms were
derived from two conflicting approaches to IPV: the gender perspective, and the mutual IPV perspective. Results lend further
support to the mutual IPV perspective, since our final prediction model indicates that victim-perpetrated IPV is an important
risk factor for physical and psychological IPV revictimization. An avoidant attachment style shows to be a strong predictor
as well, in particular for victims with high and average anger levels. Findings provide clear indications for risk assessment
and treatment of IPV victims, and moreover offer opportunities to empower these victims in order to prevent future violence. 相似文献
938.
Freek van der Vet 《Human Rights Review》2012,13(3):303-325
This article presents findings from an interview study of human rights practitioners who assist relatives of the disappeared from Chechnya with their complaints before the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). These practitioners work for nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). The study contributes to the scant literature on NGO litigation before the ECtHR and to the social scientific literature on how human rights are actively practiced. It investigates the NGOs?? intermediary position between the ECtHR and the relatives of the disappeared in Chechnya. Consequently, this article asserts that a significant aspect of this position lies in the practitioner??s capacity to mediate between an ambition to externalize local grievances to the ECtHR and the relatives?? hopes that the ECtHR can bring certainty to the uncertain loss of their disappeared relatives. From this position, several dilemmas emerge as to how international legal mechanisms can provide remedies following disappearances. 相似文献
939.
目的 考察纤维屑在涉及二次转移案件中作为示踪物质的适用性.方法 根据一个实际案例展开,在该案中,犯罪嫌疑人涉嫌多起入室盗窃案.纤维开始分散于嫌疑人所用车辆,后被嫌疑人“携带”并分散到犯罪现场,最终这些纤维在勘查过程中被收集.设计完善了一个可用于散布纤维的便携式装置,并完成了一系列二次转移的相关实验.结果 设计的装置可在短时间均相的散布纤维,单次接触不能全部转移第一表面的纤维碎屑.只有1-15%的纤维会转移到代表犯罪现场的第三表面.实际转移的纤维数与包括比如表面的材质在内的各种因素都有关系.结论 在所选参数范围内,相对大量的纤维有可能转移到犯罪现场并在现场勘查过程中被提取. 相似文献
940.
van Nijnatten C Stevens G 《International journal of offender therapy and comparative criminology》2012,56(3):483-499
Juvenile probation work comprises a mixture of repressive and empowering strategies, since probation officers need to control young offenders' conduct and at the same time help the offender to take responsibility and live life within the margins of society. This ambiguous nature of juvenile probation work may confuse the communication between probation officers and juveniles. Interviews with offenders of Moroccan origin and their probation officers in the Netherlands show that both parties are unhappy with the mutual communication. According to the youngsters, a restrictive policy is inevitable but might be more effective if this would go together with an empowering approach. Interactional analysis of the conversations shows that the lack of juvenile participation is caused by professional conversational dominance, as seen in topic control, poor role clarification, and a cross-examining style of the conversations. 相似文献