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991.
Within the large body of China-Africa literature, there is a growing body of literature that differentiates between China’s various economic actors, more specifically between its state-owned and private enterprises. This paper intends to contribute to this literature by comparing Chinese state-owned enterprises and hybrid (mixed owned) enterprises with private enterprises in Kampala, the capital of Uganda. An air of mystery often surrounds Chinese companies in Africa, this paper will provide some clarity concerning companies in Kampala. To do this we first look at the governmental assistance given to these companies, then the kind of assistance they potentially receive. Next we investigate what motivated these companies to come to Uganda, and how they established themselves, whether it is after a Chinese aid project or construction job, or some other route. We further investigate the size, employment policy and markets of these Chinese state-owned enterprises in Kampala. Finally we look at the employment of Ugandan labour and management, the problems faced by the enterprises and the environmental challenges, as well as how these are dealt with. We conclude that Chinese SOEs and mixed ownership companies in Uganda are involved in a small range of sectors, often capital-intensive sectors such as oil and construction, and are therefore also larger than the majority of the Chinese private enterprises. SOEs and mixed ownership enterprises tend to have arrived in Uganda earlier than most private enterprises, face slightly different problems, and are more interested in the Ugandan market as whole than their privately owned counterparts. More importantly, they have greater proportions of local employees and are more interested in indigenizing their workforces. 相似文献
992.
ABSTRACTMany post-war states experience continuous low-intensity violence for years after the formal end of the conflict. Existing theories often focus on country-level explanations of post-war violence, such as the presence of spoilers or the nature of the peace agreement. Yet, post-war violence does not affect all communities equally; whereas some remain entrenched in violence, others escape the perpetuation of violent conflict. We argue that communities where wartime mobilization at the local level is based on the formation of alliances between armed groups and local elites are more likely to experience post-war violence, than communities where armed groups generate civilian support based on grassroots backing of the group’s political objectives. We explore this argument in a comparison of three communities in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa, which have experienced different levels of post-war violence. The analysis supports the main argument and contributes to the research on the microdynamics of civil war by outlining the implications of certain strategies of wartime mobilization and how these may generate localized legacies. 相似文献
993.
Oda van Cranenburgh 《Democratization》2013,20(5):952-973
This article provides a systematic overview of the institutional basis of presidential power in 30 sub-Saharan African countries, using a broad comparative scheme to assess presidential power developed by Siaroff (2003). The dual purpose is, first, to compare the power of African presidents to patterns found by Siaroff for countries worldwide, looking particularly at the relation between regime type and presidential power; and second, to make a preliminary analysis of the political consequences of high levels of presidential power in the light of earlier theoretical claims associating it with regime problems such as democratic breakdown. The article's comparative framework illustrates the high levels of institutional power of presidents in 30 African countries. As argued by Siaroff, regime type tells us little about presidential power; in these African cases, semi-presidential systems score even higher than presidential systems. One ‘parliamentary’ system also shows a high degree of presidential power. Moreover, there is very little difference in presidential power between democracies and non-democracies, and ‘minimal’ electoral democracies score higher on average than non-democracies and liberal democracies. Examination of the consequences of high levels of presidential power also shows that more than a quarter (28.6 per cent) of such regimes experienced a democratic breakdown, although this is not a statistically significant level. A weak correlation is found between presidential power and freedom and democracy ratings, again not at a statistically significant level, while correlations with governance ratings are strong and statistically significant. A repeated measures test, however, does show a statistically significant relation with freedom and democracy. Although more research is needed, including a larger N and more variation in the independent variable, the evidence supports intuitive knowledge: a high degree of presidential power bodes ill for democracy and good governance in Africa. 相似文献
994.
995.
Gerard Gathier M.Sc. Timotheus van der Niet Ph.D. Tamara Peelen Ph.D. Rogier R. van Vugt Marcel C.M. Eurlings B.S. Barbara Gravendeel Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(6):1467-1471
Slimming cactus (Hoodia), found only in southwestern Africa, is a well‐known herbal product for losing weight. Consequently, Hoodia extracts are sought‐after worldwide despite a CITES Appendix II status. The failure to eradicate illegal trade is due to problems with detecting and identifying Hoodia using morphological and chemical characters. Our aim was to evaluate the potential of molecular identification of Hoodia based on DNA barcoding. Screening of nrITS1 and psbA‐trnH DNA sequences from 26 accessions of Ceropegieae resulted in successful identification, while conventional chemical profiling using DLI‐MS led to inaccurate detection and identification of Hoodia. The presence of Hoodia in herbal products was also successfully established using DNA sequences. A validation procedure of our DNA barcoding protocol demonstrated its robustness to changes in PCR conditions. We conclude that DNA barcoding is an effective tool for Hoodia detection and identification which can contribute to preventing illegal trade. 相似文献
996.
Annalisa Durdle M.Sc. Roland A. H. van Oorschot Ph.D R. John Mitchell Ph.D 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(4):897-903
Fly feces and regurgitation deposits may be mistaken for bloodstain patterns at a crime scene, potentially compromising event reconstruction and/or misdirecting police resources. In some instances, these artifacts contain sufficient human biological material to generate a full DNA profile, sometimes 2 years after deposition. Clearly, it is important that investigators can make the distinction between artifacts and bloodstains. This study examined 6645 artifacts deposited on a smooth, nonporous surface after Lucilia cuprina were fed human blood. Artifacts were also compared with bloodstains on a variety of other surfaces. Both similarities and differences were found between artifacts and bloodstains, highlighting the need for an identification system to assist personnel with little training in bloodstain pattern analysis. The morphology of the artifacts has been described so that these deposits may be more clearly distinguished from bloodstains, targeted by crime scene personnel as potential sources of human DNA, and/or identified as potential evidence contaminants. Flowcharts have been devised to facilitate the analysis. 相似文献
997.
Annemieke van Dam M.S. Maurice C. G. Aalders Ph.D. Ton G. van Leeuwen Ph.D. Saskia A. G. Lambrechts Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2013,58(4):999-1002
The chemical composition of a fingermark potentially holds a wealth of information about the fingermark donor, which can be extracted by immunolabeling. Immunolabeling can be used to detect specific components in fingermarks; however, to be applicable in the forensic field, it should be compatible with commonly used fingerprint visualization techniques. In this study, the compatibility of immunolabeling with two different fingerprint visualization techniques, magnetic powdering and ninhydrin staining, was investigated on fingermarks deposited on glass and on nitrocellulose membranes. With dermcidin as antigen of interest, immunolabeling was performed successfully on all developed fingermarks. We can conclude that immunolabeling is compatible with magnetic powdering and ninhydrin staining, which can be of great forensic value. 相似文献
998.
Paradoxes of Urban Housing Informality in the Developing World 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Jean‐Louis van Gelder 《Law & society review》2013,47(3):493-522
This article addresses a series of paradoxes regarding informal settlements in cities in the developing world and their relation with the legal system. The first paradox regards the penalization of illegal land occupations on the one hand versus the legalization of that same practice on the other. Second, it looks at the relationship between land occupations as systematic violations of property rights, but with the goal of forming new property rights and thus paradoxically supporting private property as a substantive principle. Third, the reasoning behind the fact that the same system that denies legal access to housing for poor sectors simultaneously attempts to incorporate informal settlements in an ad hoc manner through legalization schemes is examined. It is shown that there is a logic to these paradoxes, which, although contradictory from standard legal perspectives, can be accommodated within a theoretical framework that distinguishes an internal normative order operating within informal settlements, from the state legal system, operative outside it. The proposed framework not only settles the paradoxes, but, this article concludes, can also guide attempts to deal with the enormous anticipated growth of informality in the developing world. 相似文献
999.
In 2009, the Netherlands introduced a 10-day temporary restraining order (TRO) intended for adult perpetrators of domestic violence to defuse dangerous situations and to reduce recidivism by combining a legal action with social services. For this study, 18 victims and 10 perpetrators were interviewed about their experiences with the TRO, related professional help, and the influence the TRO had had on their lives. The interviews were transcribed verbatim and subsequently qualitatively analyzed. Most of the victims were positive about the TRO period. Perpetrators were less positive. The vast majority of respondents accepted help during the TRO and were positive about the professionals’ attitudes, but not necessarily about the type of help. Most respondents reported an increase in their wellbeing, new insights, and no or less serious re-assaults by the perpetrator. The results suggest that, in the short term, TROs have a mainly positive effect on both victims and perpetrators. 相似文献
1000.
At the end of the 1990s, a moral panic erupted in the Netherlands about the phenomenon of what came to be known as ‘loverboys’. The suspicion was that a growing number of Dutch girls were being groomed by handsome young men who employed all sorts of devious methods to prepare their girlfriends for life as a prostitute. Stories about a new generation of pimps, often of Moroccan origin, regularly appeared in the Dutch media. In this article, based on ethnographic fieldwork on pimps operating in the red-light district of Amsterdam, we describe the ways in which these young men operate and how they justify their behaviour. On the basis of empirical research we intend to present a more realistic picture of what goes on in the prostitution industry and highlight the discrepancy between what is reported in the media and what is actually happening in the prostitution sector. We also examine the background to the moral panic about loverboys and the ways in which these young men were supposedly able to induce many young girls into becoming prostitutes. 相似文献