刘少奇在华北抗战中

1935年夏．日本帝国主义对华北发动了新的侵略．严重威胁了中华民族的生存。同年12月。为反对日本帝国主义策划“华北无省自治”而爆发了震惊全国的“一二九”运动,从此华北和全国的抗日救亡运动都随之走向高潮。为了开创华北抗战的新局面,     

公安院校实践教学改革若干问题思考

实践教学是公安教育的一个主要教学环节,对于提高学生的综合素质,培养学生的创新精神和实践能力有着不可替代的作用,本文就将实践教学的现状及存在的问题进行分析,并提出了相关改革措施。     

行政法上的利害关系人新探

从大陆法系国家公权利和反射性利益相区分的角度看,与行政主体相对的私人可以分成行政相对人、利害关系人和一般公众,他们是行政法"人像"的具体展开。从本质上看,利害关系人是由反射性利益人转化而来的一类公权利人,这类行政法上私人的确立必将改变行政过程中的利益结构,推动行政过程的民主化,促使行政法重心的转移。     

论宗教宽容的政治化和法律化

宽容思想发源于宗教,《圣经》、《古兰经》、儒教和佛教的学说都包含有内在深刻的宽容思想。宗教宽容的政治化和法律化主要开始于17世纪洛克和培尔等学者的倡导,最终在美国的宪法及其修正案中得到了较好的体现。但是,这一进程在伊斯兰国家和中国却长期未能得以顺利实现,宽容的实践仍然主要停留在宗教的层面。这是导致我国、伊斯兰国家和西方在政治、法律等领域出现本质差异的根本原因之一,也是宗教宽容在我国和伊斯兰国家仍然需要世俗化的主要理由。     

Judging the “Vapid and Hollow Charade”: Citizen Evaluations and the Candor of U.S. Supreme Court Nominees

Supreme Court confirmation hearings have been famously called a “vapid and hollow charade” by Elena Kagan. Indeed, perceptions of nominees’ refusal to answer questions about pending cases, prominent political issues, or give any hint of their ideological leanings have become a cornerstone of the modern confirmation process. We investigate the extent to which this reticence to speak of their ideological views, or candor, influences how individuals evaluate the nominee. To this end, we present the results of a survey experiment which examines how support for a hypothetical Supreme Court nominee is affected by information, especially when a nominee is presented to be very forthright or very reticent in answering ideological questions during the confirmation hearings. We find that while partisan compatibility with the president is the main determinant of support for a nominee, nominees who refuse to answer ideological questions can bolster support from respondents who would not support them on partisan grounds. We supplement these findings with observational state-level support data from real nominees over the last 40 years.     

The Chinese Political Opposition in Exile: A Chequered Development

Deploying the perspectives of diaspora politics and transnational social movements, this article analyses the impact of the key factors conditioning the overall environment in which the overseas Chinese democracy movement (OCDM) has operated since the 1989 Tiananmen event in Beijing (where weeks of mass protest rallies by students, intellectuals, workers, and citizens led to a violent crackdown by the People’s Liberation Army on the demonstrators on 4 June). China’s phenomenal rise as a global power, its transformed relations with the West and diaspora communities, and its toughening control over political dissent inside and outside the country have created an increasingly arduous and complex mobilising terrain for the dissidents in exile. Meanwhile, Taiwan’s democratisation, political nativisation, and China-focused economic exchanges have minimised Taipei’s role as the mainland exiles’ traditional backer. Finally, the shifting norms, demographics, and practices of the overseas Chinese diasporas have further compounded these challenges.     

中国合作性外交及其目的分析——一个历史的视角

本文通过历史和现实三个时段（封贡体系时期、新中国建立至改革开放前、改革开放至今）的中国外交分析,得出两点结论：第一,自古代社会起至今,合作而非对抗是中国对外行为的基本选择。中国积极寻求与周边、地区和世界的和平与合作。第二,中国合作性外交的目的在于实现国际秩序和世界正义的统一。本文认为,封贡时期的东亚秩序本身就是正义的,维持秩序就是维持正义,中国在封贡时期的国际合作保证了秩序与正义的统一;新中国建立后到改革开放前,中国以和平共处五项原则为基础与各国发展友好合作关系,坚定维护国际关系基本准则和基本秩序,同时又通过反霸反帝反殖斗争和建立国际经济新秩序追求世界正义;改革开放后的中国,全面融入国际社会,参与国际组织,遵守国际规范,与世界各国发展全方位合作关系,同时又通过反霸斗争、建立国际政治经济新秩序以及建设“和谐世界”推动世界正义的实现。     

网络时代背景下的青少年犯罪问题研究

网络导致青少年沉迷于网络游戏、网络聊天、网络色情和网络制作;青少年网络成瘾既有外在原因,也有内部原因;青少年网络成瘾带来了许多负面影响,它导致了青少年民族传统的淡化、道德意识的弱化、人际交往的异化、抽象思维的退化,还导致青少年产生人格障碍。当务之急是趋利避害,采取加强网络监管、网德建设、信息防范、网站建设,以及净化网络参与途径等措施去预防和控制网络引发青少年犯罪的因素,去克服网络对青少年的负面影响,为青少年健康成长铺平道路。     

论公安职业院校“三者合一”教师队伍培育机制

职业教育的性质和公安工作的特点要求公安职业院校教师能够成为德育辅导者、业务传授者和实战带领者.公安职业院校应借鉴发达国家警察院校经验,结合我国公安工作实际,建立完善"三者合一"教师队伍培育机制.     

甘肃省禁毒方略探讨

作为西部地区之一的甘肃省,禁毒工作在取得了显著成效的同时面临的形势依然严峻,禁毒斗争依然任重道远。为了使甘肃省禁毒斗争取得新的突破,本文探讨了甘肃省禁毒工作面临的新形势,并提出了进一步开展禁毒工作的建议。