工科院校英汉双语教学中英语运用度

文中通过＂英语运用度＂这一指标对双语教学模式进行了划分,通过对在工科院校双语教学中的实际教学效果对比研究,对制约双语教学中英语应用度的各项因素进行了详细研究分析,阐述了工科教学时开展双语教学工作应解决的重要问题和解决问题的措施,并给出了＂英语运用度＂的最佳取值范围。     

论票据丧失及其法律救济

票据权利人在非出于本意的情况下丧失对票据的占有,就有可能发生票据权利人的票据权利随之而丧失,因此,各国的票据法律为保护票据流通的安全,保障因票据权利人意志以外的原因丧失票据利益,均对票据丧失后的法律救济途径作了明确规定。我国票据法在借鉴大陆法系和英美法系立法经验的基础上,结合我国实际规定了挂失止付、公示催告和普通诉讼三种法定救济途径。     

仲裁独立性与民间性的宪政学考察

坚持仲裁的独立性和民间性是仲裁制度本身发展并得以完善的前提。在宪政国家中,应通过相应的法律制度供应建构合理的仲裁制度框架。强制性实在法规范是仲裁活动的适法底线,在此基础上充分保障仲裁的独立性和民间性是构建政治国家与市民社会和谐关系所必须。在仲裁机构裁决民间争议过程中,司法复审权的行使应保持一个合理的限度。仲裁的独立性和民间性也为其造法功能提供了合理依据.     

王枣子三萜成分的研究

目的 研究王枣子中三萜类成分的化学结构.方法 利用层析方法进行成分分离,根据物理化学性质和波谱分析结果对化合物进行结构鉴定.结果 3个五环三萜经鉴定分别为2α,3α-二羟基乌苏酸(Ⅰ)、2α-羟基齐墩果酸(Ⅱ)和齐墩果酸(Ⅲ).结论 成分Ⅰ和Ⅱ在该植物中系首次分得.     

建构中国特色社会主义法律体系中关于检法关系的设想

配合制约原则是调整我国检、法关系的指导性准则,也是我国配置控、审刑事司法权力的基本方法。随着时代的发展和民众需要的转变,指导检、法之间关系的配合制约原则也日益暴露出问题。为此在考察西方国家司法经验,权衡利弊对理想中的检、法关系的评析,同时提出今后我国检法关系的发展方向,即确立法院中心化地位;检察官的地位、工作重心将发生位移;为了实现保障刑事司法公正最低标准,提出检法关系调整的方案。     

上市公司分配现金股利概率的probit和logit模型对比研究

该文根据著名经济学家McFaden行为理性选择剖视理论,利用Probit和Logit二元离散选择模型的对比分析,定量研究公司财务及经营状况对发放现金股利概率边际变化的影响,进一步为偏好现金股利型投资者的投资决策作参考。与其它同类研究相比,该文的独创性结论有：流通股占总股本比率对上市公司发放现金股利的影响呈开口向上的二次曲线形,同时相比于每股盈余,每股现金净含量对发放现金股利概率有同样重要影响。     

厂务公开必须纳入法制化轨道

厂务公开工作要走向深入 ,就必须解决好一些单位存在的不愿公开、形式主义、走过场、甚至假公开问题 ,从强化监督制约机制入手 ,把厂务公开纳入法制化轨道 ,通过国家立法、地方政府立规、企业立制 ,以法规范厂务公开工作。     

Reviving the Past

正NE·TIGER brings tradition to China Fashion Week in Beijing Stunning beauties in splendid traditional Chinese dresses by luxury designer NE·TIGER opened China 2013 Spring/Summer Fashion Week with a collection showcasing traditional Chinese designs.     

Two Worlds Become One

A Look at the Third Art and Science International Exhibition and Symposium.The closer you stand to this garment,the more transparent it becomes, said Daan Roosegaarde,an artist from the Netherlands,introducing his hi-tech apparel to the audience at the Third Art and Science International Exhibition and Symposium at the China     

From tragedy to comedy: Political reform in Thailand

Thailand's democracy has been profoundly influenced by mass struggle and tragic bloodshed. The political freedom now exercised by Thai citizens ia a direct result of continuous mass struggle against dictatorship, the high points of which were the 14th October 1973 and the May 1992 popular uprisings. Yet, at the same time, this freedom has also had its limits defined by the brutal crushing of Thailand's socialist movement on the 6th October 1976. This has meant that the present day parliamentary system is devoid of any element of class politics. It is this, more than anything else, which is responsible for the corruption and vote-buying in the electoral system. Recent attempts at political reform, culminating in the drafting of the 1997 Constitution, results from the work of a coalition between two separate and conflicting class factions in Thai society. On the one hand, “the People's Organisations” (N.G.O.s, campaigns for democracy, peasant and labour groups) demanded more rights and participation in decision-making. On the other hand, “the modernist liberal wing of the ruling elite” wished to see more efficient and stable government. The contradictions between these two political currents can be seen throughout the reform process and in Thai politics today. Attempts to cleanse Thai politics using a reformed Constitution, new election laws and newly established “independent bodies,” such as the Election Commission and Constitutional Court, are unlikely to succeed, since they fail to address the real basis of money politics in Thailand and rely on a narrow structuralist approach. A more realistic route to political reform would rely on the mobilisation of social groups on a class basis. Only when such groups organise to push for more social equality and justice inside and outside the confines of the present structures can there be true progress.