全文获取类型
收费全文 | 404篇 |
免费 | 32篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 56篇 |
工人农民 | 6篇 |
世界政治 | 42篇 |
外交国际关系 | 35篇 |
法律 | 191篇 |
政治理论 | 104篇 |
综合类 | 2篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 5篇 |
2020年 | 11篇 |
2019年 | 13篇 |
2018年 | 23篇 |
2017年 | 24篇 |
2016年 | 17篇 |
2015年 | 15篇 |
2014年 | 12篇 |
2013年 | 57篇 |
2012年 | 22篇 |
2011年 | 10篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 17篇 |
2007年 | 14篇 |
2006年 | 18篇 |
2005年 | 15篇 |
2004年 | 18篇 |
2003年 | 12篇 |
2002年 | 10篇 |
2001年 | 11篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 11篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 4篇 |
1988年 | 3篇 |
1987年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 3篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有436条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
431.
Policy makers cannot consider all evidence relevant to policy. They use two shortcuts—emotions and beliefs to understand problems and “rational” ways of establishing the best evidence on solutions—to act quickly in complex, multilevel policy‐making environments. Many studies only address one part of this problem. Improving the supply of evidence helps reduce scientific and policy maker uncertainty. However, policy makers also combine their beliefs with limited evidence to reduce ambiguity by choosing one of several possible ways to understand and solve a problem. We use this insight to consider solutions designed to “close the evidence–policy gap.” 相似文献
432.
The rise of India and the EU as global actors has sparked growing interest in their peace-building approaches. This paper compares the objectives and effects of the EU's and India's engagement in different conflict contexts within and alongside their borders. It examines whether their practices of conflict resolution or peace-building strive for more than conflict management or ‘governmentality’. This article asks whether there is sufficient consistency across either actors' governance interventions to even speak of a distinct ‘strategy’ or ‘governance culture’. It illustrates the close relationship between governance and conflict response initiatives but finds that the relationship is often dysfunctional. 相似文献
433.
Sebastian N. Kunz Ph.D. Julia Aronshtam Ph.D Hans‐Rolf Tränkler Ph.D. Sybille Kraus M.D. Matthias Graw Ph.D. Oliver Peschel Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2014,59(3):659-664
Electronic control devices (ECDs) deliver high‐voltage, low‐current energy pulses temporarily paralyzing a person. For the ECD–human interaction, we have developed a computer model using the SEMCAD program within which to simulate the electrical effects throughout the body resulting from the imposition of an ECD pulse at a particular point on the body surface. Our human body models were based on cross‐sectional MRIs and CT scans, with the dielectric properties of the various tissues assigned based on previously published values. We simulated the application of a single ECD pulse and calculated the resulting electric field strength and current and charge densities at different body locations. The results were compared with corresponding values obtained by other researchers in similar simulations. Furthermore, we simulated an application of a pulse of 20‐millisecond duration equal to the European household current of 50 Hz and to the ventricular fibrillation threshold. The resulting current level indicated at the heart muscle was 1/5 the level considered the threshold for triggering ventricular fibrillation. 相似文献
434.
435.
436.
The reorganization of governments is crucial for parties to express their policy preferences once they reach office. Yet these activities are not confined to the direct aftermath of general elections or to wide-ranging structural reforms. Instead, governments reorganize and adjust their machinery of government all the time. This paper aims to assess these structural choices with a particular focus at the core of the state, comparing four Western European democracies (Germany, France, the Netherlands, and United Kingdom) from 1980 to 2013. Our empirical analysis shows that stronger shifts in cabinets' ideological profiles in the short- and long-term as well as the units' proximity to political executives yield significant effects. In contrast, Conservative governments, commonly regarded as key promoters of reorganizing governments, are not significant for the likelihood of structural change. We discuss the effects of this politics of government reorganization for different research debates assessing the inner workings of governments. 相似文献