Collective Resistance under Authoritarianism: Elite–Mass Strategies in an Experimental Game

We create a collective resistance game in which elites control the distribution of resources if the masses are compliant. However, if the masses unanimously protest elite allocations, they can capture a greater share of resources for themselves. We study how Chinese villagers, randomly assigned to the role of elites and masses, play this game in repeated interactions under varying information conditions. We find significant variation in the extent to which participants gave weight in their decisions to (1) the amount of the elite allocation and (2) their beliefs about the likely choices of fellow group members. Many individuals made their decisions based primarily on the size of the elite allocation, choosing to protest if the elite offer fell below some threshold level. Only a small proportion of the respondents were attuned consistently to the behavioral intentions of fellow group members in deciding whether to protest the elite allocation. This heterogeneity of preferences among participants has significant implications for their prospects of achieving and sustaining collective action. Knowledge of the amount of resources controlled by elites at the start of the game affected mass calculations of the fairness of distributions and increased the frequency of mass protests. However, the elites exploited the decision rule of many mass members by buying off those individuals with the lowest thresholds, thus preempting or dissolving collective action. This research sheds light on elite–mass interactions under authoritarianism, and in particular on contentious politics in contemporary China.     

China's New Neighboring Diplomacy

China＇s new thinking about neighboring diplomacy in Asia since the end of Cold War can be analyzed theoretically from angle of international institutions. China utilizes institutionalism with great flexibility in four sub-regions-Central Asia, Northeast Asia, Southeast Asia and South Asia, where institutional models-dominant participation, deep participation, active participation and moderate participation models have been adopted. In the four sub-regions in Asia, China has handled the presence of U.S interests well and responded reasonably to the United States＇ Asian diplomacy. China and the United States have therefore achieved a compatible coexistence in Asia. Compatibility and coexistence between China and the United States in Asia are the fundamental reasons that China has made progress in this new stage, and are the essence of the new thinking in China＇s neighboring diplomacy.     

智利经济-社会转型的特点和经验

智利经济-社会转型的特点是由国家资本主义向市场资本主义转变;转型模式随着改革的深入逐渐形成和完善;发挥比较优势,促进出口增长;在市场经济的框架内建立社会保障体系;威权政府为转型开辟了道路,转型又反过来促进了政治民主化.经济-社会转型的经验是审时度势,顺应时代潮流;起用专家治国,灵活调整政策;在稳定和增长的前提下,兼顾公平,追求和谐发展;社会保障体系的建立是经济-社会转型成功的基础和关键.     

中国社会科学院首届大使论坛:"巴西的大国地位与大国战略"召开

2005年8月18日,由中国社会科学院国际合作局和拉美所主办、拉美所国际关系室承办的中国社会科学院首届大使论坛“巴西的大国地位与大国战略”在中国社会科学院亚太所会议室举行。巴西驻中国大使路易斯·奥古斯托·德卡斯特罗·内维斯作了“巴西———发展中大国及其国际战略”的主题演讲。来自外交部、中联部、国际问题研究所、现代国际关系研究院、荷兰莱顿大学,中国社科院国际合作局、世界经济与政治研究所、美国所、日本所和拉美所等单位的领导、专家和学者,以及人民日报、新华社、中国国际广播电等新闻单位的中外代表60多人参加了会议。…     

Doing more among institutional boundaries: Platform-enabled government in China

The concept of Government as a Platform (GaaP) has recently encountered setbacks in practice worldwide. While existing literature on inter-governmental collaboration has emphasized organizational restructuring and data sharing, this study argues that a pragmatic way to improve administrative efficiency in the absence of formal institutional change is to adopt an alternative model to GaaP: platform-enabled government. Enabled by innovations of the middle-tier platform, this new model of platform governance integrates the functions of distributed systems of multiple departments into a sequential workflow without the requirement of institutional reform or sharing proprietary data. To demonstrate how this model facilitates information flow across institutional boundaries and improves collaborative governance, we analyze horizontal, vertical, and public-private collaboration using a diverse case study design. We examine administrative review, law enforcement, and contact tracing during the pandemic in the context of China. Our findings suggest accommodating institutional boundaries is a practical and effective approach to advance the digital government agenda in decentralized contexts.     

促进社会文明建设:政府公共管理的价值诉求与目标导向

社会文明是以社会为本位的文明进化状态,是通过社会建设达到社会和谐所取得的文明进步的成果。加强社会文明建设,有助于推进社会和谐、维护社会公平、引导社会自治,对政府公共管理意义重大。政府只有形成物质文明、精神文明、政治文明、生态文明和社会文明共同促进的整体战略架构,更加关注社会建设,在职能定位和转变上更加倾斜于社会建设,加强体制创新,完善社会保障体系,推进社会管理与社会治理,使社会文明建设惠及民生,才能成为人民满意的服务型政府。     

农民增收新机制探析

提高农民收入,应以政府为主导,组合若干农村经济区域,改革区域内乡镇职能,引进大型企业特别是农业龙头企生,通过构建农民、农民专业合作组织、地方政府、龙头企业等主体之间的关系,共同为农村经济发展、农民增收服务.     

学习型政党建设：着眼于创新素质的培育

重视学习是中国共产党的历史传统,建设学习型政党是这一传统的继承和延伸。从建设学习型政党入手,提升思想认识,切实增强学习的自觉性、主动性和有效性,是新时期党的建设新的伟大工程向前推进的基础。坚持科学理论武装的政党思想诉求与学习型政党建设的任务相吻合,与时俱进的马克思主义理论品质与学习型政党建设的要求相吻合,奠定了建设学习型政党的理论基础。始终站在时代前列引领当代中国社会发展进步的客观需要、保持和发展党的先进性的必然要求和不断增强执政能力的党建任务,显示了建设学习型政党的实践基础。从组织建构的角度看,提出学习型政党建设,重在培育马克思主义执政党的创新素质。     

论卧底警察的保护与规制

随着有组织犯罪的日益猖獗,公安机关运用卧底警察进行侦查破案的策略日益受到人们的关注。然而由于我国相较于其他世界发达国家在这方面的立法及制度建设还存在极大的滞后性,因此,理论界学者有必要对卧底警察这一被广泛运用的现象给以正确评价、规制和保护,以满足当今刑事侦查工作的切实需要。     

国际法视野下的南海海盗治理与合作

日益猖獗的南海海盗对南海的航行安全构成了极大的危害。国际法对海盗治理形成了一些规范,但这些国际法的规范有的不具法律拘束力,有的规定得过于原则不够具体,有的目前不能适用于南海。而南海自古都是中国的领土,南海的航行安全关乎到中国的经济利益和国家安全,中国应当在南海发挥更大的主动性与积极性。在海盗治理问题上,应采取"搁置争议、加强合作"方略。具体应遵从四个步骤:完善国内的刑事立法;积极开展海盗治理、保障南海航行安全的双边合作;推动南海反海盗合作新的多边协议的达成;积极参加国际上打击南海海盗犯罪的联合行动。