Asymmetric bargaining between Myanmar and China in the Myitsone Dam controversy: social opposition akin to David's stone against Goliath

The Myitsone Dam suspension is an asymmetric negotiation between Naypyitaw and Beijing. The bilateral agreement of the hydropower project was concluded in 2009. However, Myanmar's civil society started to oppose the dam when political opportunities expanded in 2011. The quasi-civilian government in Myanmar was caught in an ‘audience cost dilemma': either to disappoint domestic constituents by fulfilling international obligations, or to compensate the Chinese dam developer for breaching the contract. In September 2011, Myanmar President Thein Sein declared the suspension of the dam throughout his tenure. Unexpectedly, China's state-owned dam company did not sue Naypyidaw. Moreover, Beijing even engaged with societal actors in Myanmar to seek their support for the project. How could Naypyitaw defy Beijing in this Myitsone Dam case? Drawing from 35 interviews with anti-dam campaigners and other stakeholders, as well as secondary data, this article argues that the rise of civil society successfully conditioned Naypyitaw's diplomatic options in the controversy. The change of Beijing's diplomatic strategy confirms that domestic constraint in Myanmar is not rhetorical. The Myitsone Dam case is an example that shows bilateral agreement without domestic endorsement can become China's business risk. Presumably, the dispute has wider implications for other Chinese overseas projects outside Myanmar.     

Public Perceptions of Income Inequality in Hong Kong: trends,causes and implications

This article examines the patterns and changes in public perceptions of domestic income inequality in Hong Kong in the past two decades and explains individual variations in these perceptions. It found that the perceived seriousness of income disparities had been persistently high, while the perceived unjustness of income disparities showed a fluctuating trend. Our findings lent partial support to the structural position thesis that the privileged groups are less likely than the underprivileged groups to consider existing income disparities to be serious and unjust. Nonetheless, the popular understanding of poverty is still biased towards ‘individual’ explanations, and this perhaps explains why the government is less willing to tackle the economic and political foundations of poverty in Hong Kong.     

马克斯·韦伯的法理型统治学说探析

在《经济与社会》一书中马克斯·韦伯阐述了理想类型的体系,其中有关统治的类型情况则集中地表。达了马克斯·韦伯关于统治类型的学说,魅力型统治、传统型统治、法理型统治是合法性统治的三种类型。探析马克斯·韦伯关于法理型统治及其基本条件的学说和观点,对推进社会主义法治国家的构建具有重要的意义。     

群体性事件临战处置的战术探讨

群体性事件之所以难以处置,不仅在于群体性事件发生的原因杂、涉及广、人数众、局面乱,还在于指导公安机关处置群体性事件的意见和规定或过于抽象,或过于笼统,缺少适应性和操作性,跟不上治安形势的发展。尽管在群体性事件的临战处置中,警察的职责任务、警力调动、处置措施都有相应的规定,但目前从警察临战战术的层面进一步研究群体性事件的处置程序和方法,使之更具有操作性和针对性,仍是公安理论研究的一项迫切任务。     

Coevolution and Sino-Japanese Tensions

Unlike those who blame the other side or structural forces beyond one's control for the current Sino-Japanese tensions, this paper offers a theoretical insight about the coevolution between China and Japan to explain why the two Asian great powers that had a better relationship in the past are now experiencing greater tensions when their much closer economic and people-to-people ties should facilitate greater cooperation. The two nations have coevolved over millennia with increasing intensity over time. They avoided serious tensions in the 1970s-1990s partly thanks to each being situated in a different niche. But that separation has diminished in a globalizing world and the two countries are becoming more integrated, which has triggered a backlash. The earlier generation of proponents of Sino-Japanese friendship succeeded in forging strong economic and social ties, but the current generation finds it difficult politically and psychologically to manage the new reality in their relations.     

略论犯罪预期成本与社会治安防控

犯罪预期成本作为犯罪成本分类层次中的一种,更强调犯罪分子对作案机会和条件的理性预期思考,反其用之,对社会治安防控体系来说,就具有某种对策作用。我们不妨以此指导治安防控实践,制造作案“障碍”和犯罪“得不偿失”的条件,强化治安防范的针对性和有效性,以治安效益来反馈我们运用犯罪预期成本对策的水平。     

新农村建设与大学生农村就业的分析与建议

根据对农村人力资源现状和大学生对新农村建设的心理倾向的调查分析,指出大学生是新农村建设不可或缺的力量,并就目前制约大学生参与新农村建设的主要障碍提出政策建议。     

危机事件中的政府形象和政府危机公关

“9.11”事件标志着政府危机时代的到来。危机对于政府的形象而言既是机遇又是挑战。政府在危机中的一举一动都会受到公众的审视,对政府自身的形象产生巨大的影响,导致政府形象产生“挤出效应”。从而,政府危机公关应运而生。危机事件的特点和政府公共职能的特性决定了政府危机公关的特征。政府危机公关是建立在法律、技术、管理和社会4个支持平台上,在危机的预备期、冲击期、恢复期3个阶段从信息、行为、心理3个方面全面展开危机公关。     

论我国刑事诉讼中证人作证方式的本土理性与改良

刑事诉讼中,我国证人证言多以书面形式呈送法庭,证人出庭作证比例较低,在证人出庭作证的案件中,还有证人屏蔽系统作证等方式,很多学者批评我国此种书面证言为主、出庭作证为辅的证人作证方式.但是,依据我国司法裁判体制,此种证人作证方式具有一定的合理性,特别是我国法官享有证据裁量权,对于证人作证方式有权依据案件的具体情况做出选择.界定关键证人应以证人证言能否影响法官的内心确信为标准.通过从司法实践中论述我国目前刑事诉讼中证人作证方式的合理性,建议完善相应的配套制度,从而保证法官需要证人出庭作证时,法院具有足够司法资源维持证人出庭作证.     

宪政型与集权型:刑事诉讼模式的导向性分析

宪政与集权型刑事诉讼制度作为一种分类研究范式具有其理论优势,它揭示了刑事诉讼制度的“价值———精神”精神。集权型刑事诉讼制度的特征在于权力的集中性、程序的反理性、程序的工具性;而宪政型刑事诉讼制度则具有权力分立制衡、程序独立以及程序的理性化等特征。我国现行刑事诉讼制度带有某种集权性色彩,因此,宪政型刑事诉讼制度应当成为我国当前刑事诉讼制度改革锐意进取的方向。