广告语:短句中的法律复杂性

广告语涉及众多复杂的法律问题。广告语具有可版权性的特点,表达量并非独创性的决定性因素,相反,文字的简洁性恰好是独创性的表现;高度提炼后的表达,不能简单地归为思想的范畴。广告语及其组成片段具有识别功能,一旦获得第二含义,即具有保护的必要性。对广告语的侵犯关涉竞争秩序,运用一般条款进行商业伦理的判断,有利于保护广告语。     

技术措施保护的隐私权限制

版权人通过技术措施收集个人身份信息,跟踪监测作品使用行为,甚至进入电脑系统进行私力技术救济,给消费者的信息隐私带来严重的威胁。为此,我国应规定技术措施不得具有隐私侵害性,限制技术措施的信息收集范围和收集方式,赋予消费者规避侵害隐私的技术措施的权利,规范版权人对消费者信息的处理利用规则。     

论法院对基本权利的保护

为公民基本权利提供保护,是现代国家合法性的重要来源。普通法院在基本权利保护中发挥着重要作用。德国虽然设立了宪法法院,但保护公民基本权利的职责仍主要由其他法院承担。在没有设立宪法法院的国家,通过普通法院更是为基本权利提供司法保护的唯一途径。我国法院应当通过三种方式为基本权利提供司法保护:如果法律有保护基本权利的具体规定,法院应当直接适用法律;如果法律对基本权利的保护只作了抽象规定,法院应当对有关抽象立法进行合宪解释之后予以适用;如果法律没有作出保护基本权利的任何规定,法院可以直接适用宪法的基本权利条款。     

“解严”后政党角力下台湾新闻自由的进步与迷思

台湾新闻自由实践在其政党角力中扮演着工具角色。换言之,新闻自由从来就不是政党角力的目的,只是权力斗争的工具。多党纷争时期,在野党高举“新闻自由”旗帜,与国民党争夺媒体资源。政党轮替后,对峙的国民两党都是表面附和“新闻自由”,实际上却采用隐性、间接的方式操控媒体。政党竞争带来了广电媒体的解禁、新闻自由法律法规的修正、新闻自由观念的成熟等正面效应。但政党对媒体的变相操控却让新闻自由异化,“只问政党,不问事实”的蓝绿媒体难以承担“第四权”责任。     

GC Analysis of Black Gel Pen Ink Stored under Different Conditions

In many criminal and civil cases in China, the most commonly questioned documents are those written with gel pen ink. An important task for forensic document examiners is to identify whether two or more ink entries in one or more documents were written with the same ink type. The identification of the age of gel ink entries made poses an important and difficult problem for forensic document examiners. In this paper, the volatile components of gel ink were determined and the gel ink was classified by gas chromatography with a flame ionization detector. Calibration curves were created to express the relationship between the content of volatile gel ink components and the age of gel ink entries stored under natural and UV‐induced aging conditions. The correspondence between the natural and UV‐induced aging conditions was also established. The experimental results showed that GC was useful in the analysis of black gel ink and applicable for determining the relative age of gel ink entries under certain conditions.     

Area Differences and Time Trends in Crime Reporting: Comparing New York with Other Metropolitan Areas

Police measures of crime are shaped by victims’ decisions to notify the police. To obtain a better understanding of US crime trends, this study uses the National Crime Victimization Survey to examine geographic differences and temporal trends in crime reporting in New York and other metropolitan areas for the period 1979-2004. We find that net of crime characteristics and survey methodology, the New York metropolitan area showed fewer increases in crime reporting than did other metropolitan areas. These divergent trends suggest that the real differences in the drop of nonlethal violence between New York and other areas may have been smaller than those indicated by police-based crime statistics. We also find that from the early 1990s to 2004, New York showed a sharp decrease in the likelihood of victims perceiving that “police wouldn’t help.” This trend suggests that police reforms in New York City have not resulted in more victims using police-related reasons to explain their nonreporting behavior. Instead, researchers need to develop a broader theoretical framework (not an exclusive focus on police actions) to understand how police- and nonpolice-related factors may explain the geographic variation in the trends of reporting observed in this study.     

最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的现状、困境与出路——兼对我国《立法法》第99条第1款解释

我国《立法法》预设了最高人民法院提请全国人大常委会进行合宪性审查的路径。从现有裁判文书来看,最高人民法院在实践中并未遵循我国《立法法》所预设的路径,而是在绝大多数案件中回避了合宪性审查诉求,同时又在个别案件中进行了合宪性审查,陷入了完全回避与直接审查的两难困境。造成这种困境的原因在于,我国《立法法》对最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的权力基础、权力行使程序缺乏清晰的规定。对此,亟待通过法律解释进行明确和细化,否则最高人民法院将无章可循,无法贸然提请全国人大常委会进行合宪性审查。为了化解最高人民法院面对的这一困境,有必要对我国《立法法》第99条第1款进行解释,推导出该条款在授予最高人民法院提请审查权时,还隐含着另一项未被释明的权力即预审权,其共同构成最高人民法院在合宪性审查中的权力基础;同时,为了使预审权与提请审查权的行使制度化,有必要对其行使程序进行细化,建立起预审-提请审查机制。     

新时代社区居民自治实现形式研究

党的十九大报告提出,要推动社会治理重心向基层社区下移,并强调探索创新居民自治有效实现形式是建设社区治理体系的重要方面。本文在分析当前各地探索居民自治取得的成效和存在的不足基础上提出,有效推进社区居民自治,首先需要政府进一步加大放权力度并积极转变角色职能,从过去亲力亲为的社区治理“包办者”转为“引领者”和“服务者”;与此同时,也需要居委会等社区组织通过加强社区“硬环境”和“软环境”建设来吸引居民和其他社会组织的积极参与,以形成政府、社会、居民等多方力量共建共治的社区治理新格局。     

Bright and Sunny

By posting attention-grabbing snippets on China's short video platform Douyin, it took an account going by the name Hainan Boy only eight months to grow a following that evolved from three in November 2020 to 72,000 on September 6.