Collective bargaining as public policy: Let us not pre-empt disaster

Abstract Collective bargaining can be justified as public policy as being an industrial relations system most comatible with the values on which our socioeconomic system is built. It may also be defended on the argument that ‘it provides a forum for the free and untrammelled propounding of alternative solutions and that its approach is superior to any alternative, even when all moral considerations about freedom and other such values are left aside.’ There are two major paradoxes in collective bargaining which affect both its use and perceptions of it: discrete and conflicting public interests; and distinct political components, ranging from the fact that collective bargaining is public policy to the uses of collective bargaining for the ulterior political purpose of effecting substantial political, social and economic change. The sources of present threats to the collective bargaining system appear to be five: an alarming increase in man-hours lost through work stoppages, accompanied by a rise in the rate of rejections by union members of tentative settlements; an increase in wage settlements substantially in excess of the rate of inflation and any increase in national productivity; an increase in the number of illegal work stoppages and other forms of unlawful behaviour; the increasing politicization of disputes; and the accumulation of public and private harm from disputes in essential services. The causes of the threats are unemployment, lack of productivity, and inflation, leading to a form of social disengagement in which the individual becomes indifferent to the impact of his claims. Free collective bargaining was never planned to accommodate such strains; it cannot carry the burden alone, and it should not take the blame. We must therefore be careful not to reject collective bargaining as public policy in haste and for the wrong reasons, even though there may be few options within the collective bargaining system which hold out any real promise of making the system work better in today's environment. Any lasting improvement in the operation of collective bargaining will come only from improvement in that environment, in order to accommodate the values on which collective bargaining is justified as public policy. Sommaire. On peut justifier les négociations collectives en tant que politique publique en les considérant comme le système de relations du travail le plus compatible avec les valeurs qui servent de fondement à notre système socio-économique. On peut aussi les défendre en soutenant qu'elles foumissent une tribune où envisager librement et sans contrainte les différentes solutions possibles et que cette approche est supérieure à toute autre, sans même faire entrer en ligne de compte toutes les considérations morales quant à la liberté et autres valeurs. Les négociations collectives présentent deux paradoxes principaux qui ont un effet à la fois sur leur usage et sur la perception de cet usage: intérêts publics discrets et en codits et éléments politiques distincts, allant du fait même que les négociations collectives constituent une politique publique, à leurs usages pour des raisons politiques particulières en we d'effectuer un changement politique social et économique important. Il semble que le système des négociations collectives soit menacéà l'heure actuelle pour cinq raisons: une augmentation alarmante du nombre d'heures perdues par suite d'arrêts de travail, accompagnée du rejet de plus en plus fréquent d'accords de princie par les syndicalistes; une hausse des salaires négociés dépassant considérablement le tam d'inflation et l'augmentation de la productivité nationale; une multiplication des arrêts de travail illégaux et autres formes de comportement contraires à la loi; une ‘politisation’ accrue des conflits; et l'accumulation de dommages publics et privés par suite de désaccords dans les domaines de services essentiels. Les causes de ces menaces sont le chômage, le manque de productivité et l'inflation qui créent une sorte désengagement social rendant les individus indifférents aux effets de leurs revendications. Les négociations collectives libres n'ont pas été conçues pour s'accommoder de ces contraintes, elles ne peuvent pas en supporter seuies la charge et ne doivent pas en être blâmées. Il faut donc éviter soigneusement de rejeter trop rapidement les négociations collectives en tant que politique publique et pour de mauvaises raisons, même si le système des négociations collectives n'offre que peu d'options qui promettent vraiment un meilleur fonctionnement du système dans l'environnement actuel. Toute amélioration durable du fonctionnement des négociations. collectives sera nécessairement la conséquence de l'amélioration de cet environnement afin d'accommoder les valeurs qui justifient les négociations collectives en tant que politique publique.     

Reviews

Jaan Valsiner, Developmental Psychology in the Soviet Union. Brighton, UK: The Harvester Press, 1988, x + 398 pp., £35.00 h/b, £12.95 p/b.

Archie Brown, ed., Political Leadership in the Soviet Union, London: Macmillan, 1989, xi + 245 pp., £35.00 h/b, £14.99 p/b.

Susan L. Clark, ed., Gorbachev's Agenda: Changes in Soviet Domestic and Foreign Policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1989, xviii + 422 pp., $35.95 p/b.

David Wedgwood Benn, Persuasion and Soviet Politics. London: Basil Blackwell, 1989, x + 243 pp., £25.00 h/b.

Karl‐Eugen Wädekin, ed., Communist Agriculture: Farming in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. London and New York: Routledge, 1989, xviii + 331 pp., £50.00

Gary Bertsch and Christopher T. Saunders, eds., East‐West Economic Relations in the 1990s. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, and Vienna: The Vienna Institute for Comparative Economic Studies, 1989, ix + 305 pp., £45.00.

Carl G. Jacobsen ed., Soviet Foreign Policy: New Dynamics, New Themes. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, 1989, xv + 214 pp.

Sylvia Woodby, Gorbachev and the Decline of Ideology in Soviet Foreign Policy. Boulder: Westview Press, 1989, vii + 127 pp., $25.00 p/b.

Stephen J. Cimbala, Uncertainty and Control: Future Soviet and American Strategy. London: Pinter Publishers, 1990, viii + 183 pp., £28.00.

Alex Pravda and Peter J. S. Duncan eds., Soviet‐British Relations Since the 1970s. Cambridge, London: RIIA/Cambridge University Press, 1990, xii + 260 pp., £30.00.

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Nicola Miller, Soviet Relations with Latin America, 1959–1987. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989, ix + 252 pp., £25.00 or $39.50 h/b, £8.95 p/b.

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Milan Hauner, What is Asia to Us? Russia's Asian Heartland Yesterday and Today. Boston: Unwin Hyman, 1990, xvi + 264 pp., £30.00.

Michael Kirkwood, ed., Language Planning in the Soviet Union. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan, in association with the School of Slavonic and East European Studies, University of London, 1989, x + 230 pp., £35.00.

Andrei Gromyko, Memoirs. New York: Doubleday, 1990, pp. 414, $24.95.

Ihor Kamenetsky, ed., The Tragedy of Vinnytsia: Materials on Stalin's Policy of Extermination in Ukraine (1936–1938). Toronto, New York: The Ukrainian Historical Association, 1989, 286 pp., notes, bibliography, index, illustrations, $25.00 h/b.

Dov. B. Lungu, Romania and the Great Powers 1933–1940. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 1989, xv + 293 pp., £44.55.

Paul LeBlanc, Lenin and the Revolutionary Party. London: Humanities Press International, 1990, xxxiv + 399 pp., £45.00.

Daniel Rancour‐Lafferiere, The Mind of Stalin: a Psychoanalytic Study. Ann Arbor: Ardis, 1988, 161 pp., $17.95.     

Introducing “Cooperative Push”: How Inefficient Environmental Policy (Sometimes!) Protects the Global Commons Better

In this paper we argue that the incentive structures of the gamesnations play in international environmental negotiations dependupon the choice of environmental policy instruments. Bargainingon the use of some instrument (e.g. an effluent charge) mayput the players into a dilemma game (like Chicken). Negotiationsto apply a different instrument (say, an emission reductionquota) may lead to a cooperation game (like Stag Hunt). The higherthe incentive to cooperate in the type of game which is built upby a specific instrument, the higher is this instrument's``cooperative push''. Of course, comparing two instruments,the one with the higher cooperative push might well be the lessefficient one. In this Paper, we analyse a situation where thehigher cooperative push of an instrument overcompensates thisinstrument's lower efficiency: Aggregate welfare withbilateral cooperation (the equilibrium of Stag Hunt) is higher than withunilateral cooperation (the equilibrium of the Chicken game).The question remains whether sovereign countries decide to playStag Hunt ending up in the welfare superior equilibrium. It isshown below that they do not in an uncoordinated optimising setting.However, we develop a particular frame where the proposedsolution meets the criteria of individual rationality,stability and fairness. It thereby establishes the politically mostdesired result – international cooperation.     

Education and mass belief systems: An extension and some new questions

Using the SRC/CPS's national election surveys from 1956 to 1976, this paper investigates the effect of education on consistency among the public's domestic policy opinions. Evidence from both gamma correlations and factor analysis indicates that education has neither a strong nor a linear effect on issue constraint over the 20 years covered by the data, for the lowest and the highest education strata consistently show the highest levels of constraint. We do not conclude, however, that education is unrelated to recognition of ideological concepts, for almost one-half of the lowest education stratum do not use liberal and conservative terms. We conclude that issue constraint does not directly translate into ideology and suggest some new directions that future research should take if we are to evaluate effectively the effect of education on opinion structuring.A preliminary version of this paper was presented at the 1978 Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association.     

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