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51.
Andrea Lawlor Erin Crandall 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2011,54(4):509-529
For approximately two decades, the federal regulation for third‐party election spending was the focus of repeated constitutional debate. However, with the 2004 Supreme Court decision in Harper v. Canada, a relative level of policy stability has been established. This stability permits us to evaluate the performance of spending limits according to the principles of the egalitarian model on which it is based. Using an original data set compiled from third‐party election advertising reports from the 2004, 2006 and 2008 federal elections, this article offers the first empirical analysis of this important election policy. A number of observations can be offered. First, third parties are not spending large amounts relative to spending limits. Second, despite legislative changes in 2006 banning all federal party contributions except those from individuals, there appears little strategic action by third parties in spending “around” contribution limits. During this three‐election cycle, third parties quite simply did not spend significant amounts. Current third‐party spending limits therefore appear to be situated comfortably within the expectations of the egalitarian model, though why third parties of all types spend so little remains in question. 相似文献
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Lisa Eaton Michelle Kaufman Andrea Fuhrel Demetria Cain Charsey Cherry Howard Pope Seth C. Kalichman 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(8):697-705
Interpersonal violence within lesbian relationships is a significant yet understudied problem. Women attending a gay pride
festival in Atlanta, GA, were asked to complete a survey concerning same-sex interpersonal violence. Women who reported being
in a current or previous same-sex partner relationship were included in the analyses (N = 226). Factors that occurred in the context of interpersonal violence were investigated: substance use, HIV/STI risk behaviors,
barriers to reporting abuse, and attitudes inhibiting seeking of social support. In addition, the survey assessed relationship-related
power dynamics. Results of multivariate analyses support the hypotheses that power imbalance and inequality when making sex-related
decisions within women’s same-sex relationships are associated with interpersonal violence. Further findings suggested that
a combination of factors must be considered when dealing with and reducing the risk for violence in same-sex relationships. 相似文献
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Considers the issue of patent rights in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Mexico. Reviews both theoretical and empirical literature on fitting patent systems to national circumstances. Data are considered shedding light on trade flows and capital formation, two areas impacted by strong or weak protection. Recommends a general hybrid system for Latin American nations, meeting GATT standards while remaining adaptable to individual country needs. 相似文献
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The current article seeks to add to the quantitative approach to understanding terrorism by examining the logic underlying terrorist choice of targets and timing within the context of the Chechen–Russian conflict. Using data on Chechen rebel bombings in Chechnya and Russia from 1997–2003, the analysis revealed support for a logic underlying terrorist choice of targets. The results indicated that civilian targets were more likely to be targeted in Russia than in Chechnya, illustrating the importance of examining contextual effects within quantitative approaches to terrorism. The results also implicated an affect of weather and urbanization. Implications of the results and future directions for research are discussed. 相似文献
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Andrea Wiegeshoff 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2018,29(2):187-207
When established in 1951, the West German Foreign Office resembled its pre-1945 Berlin Ministry predecessor in many ways. Notably, about 45 percent of Bonn’s diplomats came from the old service. Such continuities raised concerns about a restoration of old diplomatic traditions and attitudes. However, significant changes in German diplomacy—its West German variant—soon became evident, not least in terms of diplomatic style and methods. This analysis explores how the Foreign Office’s staff adopted, promoted, or rejected such changes. It assesses institutional processes of transformation and examines why diplomats were willing to “re-learn” diplomacy after the Second World War. Likewise evaluated are the problems and limits of re-orientation. By focussing on (dis)continuities within the Foreign Service in the 1950s and 1960s, the analysis contributes to the general field of research on processes of transition in West Germany after the end of the Third Reich. 相似文献