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831.
European Journal of Law and Economics - Should procedural barriers to constitutional amendment be more onerous than those to the policy changes of ordinary politics? – i.e., should...  相似文献   
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What transpires in a dispute, even a violent dispute, is affected by the tendency for adversaries to engage in “limited offending.” We focus on one restraint: the tendency of men to limit their aggression in their disputes with women. Analyses are based on an incident-level survey about interpersonal disputes administered to 503 men who are incarcerated and 220 men who had never been incarcerated. Using multinomial and logistic regression models, we examined the extent to which an adversary's gender predicted dispute-related behaviors. The evidence suggests that the chivalry norm has pervasive effects on the behavior of men during their disputes with women. Men are more likely to engage in remedial actions (e.g., apologies) when their adversary is a woman, as opposed to another man. In addition, men are less likely to make violent threats and engage in physical attacks when their adversary is a woman, even after they have themselves been physically attacked. When men are violent, they are less likely to injure a woman than a man. However, the chivalry norm does not inhibit verbal aggression in these disputes: men are just as likely to engage in verbal attacks and nonviolent threats when the adversary is a woman.  相似文献   
834.
Extracorporeal membrane oxygenation (ECMO) employs vascular cannulation and a gas exchange circuit to provide support to patients with severely compromised cardiopulmonary function. ECMO is often the last intervention taken before death and thus presents a unique challenge to medical examiners. This study describes the characteristics of decedents on ECMO at the time of death, including clinical indications, types of circuit configurations, causes and manners of death, gross findings at autopsy, and therapeutic complications. Files of a regional medical examiner office within an academic medical center were searched for the period between 2013 and 2019. Nineteen cases were identified with a median age of 36 years. The circumstances surrounding the initial presentation included: sudden death, trauma, substance abuse, homicide, therapeutic complication, work-related injury, drowning, and hypothermia. The underlying causes of death included injury-related, as well as respiratory and cardiac-related natural diseases. The time spent on ECMO varied from less than 1 h to 10 months. Complications encountered due to ECMO included cannulation site bleeding, pneumohemopericardium, retroperitoneal hematoma, limb ischemia, clotting, and cannula dislodgement. The patient population likely to receive ECMO has significant overlap with death circumstances likely to be reported to the medical examiner. As ECMO therapy has become increasingly available, it is of importance for medical examiners and death investigators to be familiar with the procedure as well as its limitations. Familiarity with ECMO and its sequelae allows for the proper documentation of postmortem findings and fosters an informed determination of the cause and manner of death.  相似文献   
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Thucydides’ History remains the basis for numerous claims within International Relations Theory, contributing to defining concepts from the security dilemma to the dynamics of bi-polarity and hegemonic transition theory. But the historical record that underpins Thucydides’ History provides a more complex view of the rivalry between Athens and Sparta. This analysis argues that basing explanations for the Great Peloponnesian War on the premise of Spartan “fear” is incomplete. A bi-polar, hegemonic rivalry did not lock-in the two states; they existed in a complex multi-polar system. This multi-polarity allowed other actors—notably Corinth—to play a key role in the outbreak of war. It was consideration for alliances, empires, and political rivalries within the context of multi-polarity, rather than a prosaic Spartan “fear,” that were at the heart of the war. These unique characteristics combined with the misrepresentation of the historical record, make generalising from the Peloponnesian War dangerous.  相似文献   
838.
Contemporary approaches to intimate partner violence (IPV) have been heavily shaped by the primacy given to coercive control over physical violence and the use of typologies. Few studies have attempted to apply these approaches to same-sex relationships. This study aimed to explore patterns of violence and control and examine the utility of typologies within same-sex domestic violence (SSDV). Data from 184 gay men and lesbians on their experiences with aggressive and controlling behaviors within same-sex relationships was used to identify categories consistent with Johnson's typology. Over half of the sample were non-violent and noncontrolling, while 13.0 % of respondents and 14.7 % of their partners had engaging in situational couple violence (SCV). Smaller proportions (4.4 % of respondents and 6.5 % of partners) engaged in coercive controlling violence (CCV). Rates of mutually violent control (MVC) were high (12.5 %). This typology was expanded to identify cases of non-violent control (NVC), which included 7.1 % of respondents and 5.4 % of partners. To date, no other studies have reported on the use of controlling behaviors within same-sex relationships. These data demonstrated the presence of patterns of control and violence consistent with categories originally identified in heterosexual couples. Data also supported the growing acceptance of the central role of coercive control in IPV.  相似文献   
839.
In 1971, Senator Edward Kennedy co-sponsored a resolution in Congress calling for the withdrawal of British troops from Northern Ireland. The House of Representatives Sub-Committee on Europe held hearings on this resolution in February 1972 in the immediate aftermath of the deaths in Londonderry of “Bloody Sunday.” These hearings represented the first time that several high profile American political figures had spoken out on the developing conflict in Northern Ireland and, whilst the hearings did not lead to a significant change in American policy towards the conflict, the threat of further ones persisted from the Richard Nixon to the Ronald Reagan administrations. This analysis examines the impact of the 1972 Congressional hearings and the threat posed by the possibility of future ones in the wider context of United States policy towards the Northern Ireland conflict until 1981.  相似文献   
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