Humiliation,Manipulation, and Control: Evidence of Centrality in Domestic Violence Against an Adult Partner

This paper describes two related studies. Study 1 is a literature review of existing adult partner domestic violence assessment scales. Results of the review revealed that the scales varied on the available amount of empirical evidence for validity and reliability. More importantly, results showed that the content of the scales focused most heavily on the physical abuse aspects of domestic violence. Study 2 is a factor analysis performed on the results of 64 items taken from the Artemis Intake Questionnaire, a clinically relevant tool constructed by treatment providers used in working with the victims of domestic violence. Results indicate that reported humiliation and blame of the victim accounted for the largest amount of variance, followed by controlling the victim, and then physical violence. Results of this factor analysis suggest that greater emphasis must be put on factors other than physical violence in the construction of future domestic violence scales.     

Economic Libertarians and the Hyperlink: A Preliminary Investigation into an Ideological Practice

Use of the Internet by activists is part of contemporary politics, yet we understand little about the way in which this use is related to ideological production. This paper describes the basis for and discusses an on-going research project in its early stages that seeks to understand the use of hyperlinks to create meaning on the World Wide Web. It particularly focuses on the way in which economic libertarians in the U.S. have provided links to the web pages of likeminded individuals. I theorize these links as a social practice that is informing the way in which property rights are being understood by a highly influential group of lawyers and legal activists in the U.S. Through an analysis of the links found on the web pages of lawyers who have been working to advance a free market vision of property and economic rights, I speculate on a way to understand hyperlinking as meaning creation.Several people have assisted this research in various ways and deserve to be thanked. Heath Mills, my gradute assistant at Northern Illinois University spent many hours looking at and documenting web pages. I also wish to thank the members of the International Roundtable on Law and Semiotics, which met in Amherst, Massachusetts in April 2003, for their wonderful helpful comments.Finally, thanks to Brigham for always supporting my work and providing insightful commentary; and to Taag Ebert for patiently helping me translate the language of computer engineering into the language of political science and language studies.     

No Five-Finger Exercise: Digital Law to Manage Legal Complexity

This article considers the following. Digital coding of information is far less extensive than the complexity and much less radical than the digital coding of selection among information which establishes the legal system. Niklas Luhmanns theory is the principal example of an appreciation for the latter. Luhmann presented the design for understanding law as autopoietic, a law legitimated and sustained by legal procedure.     

Old and New Actors in the Italian Drug Trade: Ethnic Succession or Functional Specialization?

The article analyses Italian and foreign organized crime involved in the drug market from two perspectives. The first, called “criminal succession”, assumes that the great presence of foreign criminal groups into this illegal market would represent a menace to the traditional hegemony exercised by Mafia-type associations in Italy. From a different perspective, defined as “functional specialisation”, the involvement of foreign criminal groups in the drug market could also be seen in terms of criminal “labour force” tending to follow the same mechanisms occurring in the general market at large, where immigrants fill low-paying jobs not requested by the local population. Through the analysis of data provided by the Italian Central Antidrug Bureau and recent court records the article tests these two perspectives. In particular, the in-depth analysis of three case studies from northern, central and southern Italy – i.e. Milan, Florence and Naples – has allowed us to identify the main changes that occurred in the drug market since the early 1990s. In effect, in Milan and Florence, we register the emergence of foreign criminal actors in the high- and medium-level positions of the local drug trade, while in Naples, where Camorra clans hold very strong positions, it leaves small areas of autonomy to foreign criminal groups.     

Fighting Windmills: The Coalition of Industrialists and Environmentalists in the Climate Change Issue

This paper extends the political economy idea developed by Ackerman and Hassler [Clean Coal/Dirty Air, or How the Clean Air Act became a Multibillion-Dollar Bail-out for High Sulfur Coal Producers and What Should Be Done About It. New Haven: Yale University Press], which suggested that a coalition of environmentalists and industrialists successfully lobbied the US Congress. More strict technology-based standards for new emitting sources than for existing sources was the resulting policy outcome serving the common interest of the coalition because it offered both a barrier to entry for new firms and improved environmental quality. We focus on the case of international climate negotiations and the promotion of wind-based energy. Along the lines of the Ackerman and Hassler approach, we suggest that one reason for EU eagerness to push forward ambitious reduction target levels (and thereby promote new green industries) could be a similar coalition between industrialists and environmentalists. Such a strategy can be seen in the context of the Bootleggers and Baptist theory developed by Yandle [Bootleggers and Baptists: the Education of a Regulatory Economist, Regulation, 7, 12–16], where the Baptists (in our case the environmentalists) demand changes in behaviour on moral grounds. In contrast, the Bootleggers (the producers of renewable energy), who profit from the very regulation, keep a low profile. The actual heavy subsidisation of renewable energy sources, such as wind energy, can be viewed as a successful policy outcome for the coalition of industrialists and environmentalists offering both market protection and improved environmental quality. Solving the current dead-lock in international climate negotiations may well imply fighting the strong coalition of industrialists and environmentalists. Such a political battle may turn out to be just as tough as fighting windmills and needs to be addressed in future and more rigorous empirical research. At the end of the day, transparent incentives of relevant stakeholders in the climate change issue are necessary preconditions for progress in the climate change negotiations.JEL Classification: Q28,H2, H4     

Reforming International Environmental Governance: An Institutionalist Critique of the Proposal for a World Environment Organisation

This article argues that a World Environment Organisation (WEO) does not promise to enhance international environmental governance. First, we claim that the establishment of an international organisation alone in a policy field currently populated by regimes cannot be expected to significantly improve environmental governance because there is no qualitative difference between these two forms of governance institutions. Second, we submit that significant improvement of international environmental governance through institutional re-arrangement must rely on a modification of decision-making procedures and/or a change of institutional boundaries. Third, we develop three principal models of a possible WEO. A WEO formally providing an umbrella for existing regimes without modifying issue-areas and decision-making procedures would be largely irrelevant. A WEO integrating decision-making processes of existing regimes so as to form comprehensive world environment rounds of intergovernmental bargaining would be largely dysfunctional and prone to a host of negative side-effects. A supranational WEO including large-scale use of majority decision-making and far-reaching enforcement mechanisms across a range of environmental issues might considerably enhance international environmental governance, but it appears to be grossly utopian. In conclusion, a WEO cannot be at the same time realistic, significant and beneficial for international environmental governance. Available political resources should be invested in advancing existing and emerging sectoral environmental regimes rather than in establishing a WEO.     

Outward FDI from Central and Eastern European Countries

In Central and Eastern Europe, outward foreign direct investment (FDI) has not yet become as a prominent factor in the region’s reintegration into the world economy as trade liberalisation used to be in the early 1990s or inward foreign direct investment is currently. In the terminology of the investment–development path, with the notable exception of the Russian Federation, the region is in stage 2, whereby inward flows are still growing faster than outward flows. This article argues that a combination of the latecomer status of the region’s transnational corporations and the transition shock can explain most of that laggard situation. It hypothesises that the enlargement of the European Union (EU) would give a major push to the outward foreign direct investment flows of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), on condition that adequate government policies to promote those investments are put in place. The impact on the investment–development path, however, is uncertain, because accession to the EU is often accompanied by a surge in foreign direct investment inflows, too. Finally, the article also looks at the options available to deal with the specific problems of the Russian Federation in relation to capital flight, including ways of regularisation and potential return to the home economy.     

Policy networks and multiple lobbying strategies in EU trade policy-making. A Korean perspective

The EU trade policy has been a crucial matter of concern not only for the EU member states but also for the rest of the world as a whole. However, only a limited number of policy actors have been able to exercise effective power in the EU trade policy process on the basis of the formal and informal relations formed among core policy actors in policy networks. As a result, the interests of the European industrialists have been best served in the EUs trade policy relations with non-member countries. Consequently, Korean firms, as outsiders of the policy networks, have recognized the need to develop effective lobbying strategies as significant means to have greater influence on EU trade policy-making, so as to overcome the disadvantages existing in the policy process. In this regard, Korean firms need to develop multiple lobbying strategies by taking advantage of the various routes of EU trade lobbying. Otherwise, Korean firms will continue to experience difficulties in exploiting the benefits of the large European common market with a single currency.