What's in a Sector? The Shifting Career Plans of Public Policy Students

Recent decades have seen a trend in which public policy graduates shun government and enter private-sector employment. In part, the shift reflects changing sectoral opportunities, but its magnitude and consistency are puzzling—even troubling—in light of the need for public-sector talent. Data from a two-year series of surveys and interviews with policy students reveal that many begin their training with uncertain career goals and ambivalence about public-sector work. Interest in government declines from entry to graduation, and it appears that the policy curriculum—heavy on analytic methods and conveying cautions about policy making—does little to promote a public-sector orientation. Those planning to enter government are strongly motivated by a desire to have an impact, whereas those drawn to the private sector seek financial resources and professional development. Many anticipate fluid careers and choose positions expected to offer growth, a feature more commonly associated with private than public jobs.     

Theories of Political Literacy

This paper tests cognitive mobilization, structural role, and traditional socialization agent theories of political literacy, conceptualized as the potential for informed political participation. Political literacy cannot be measured directly, but we presume that if people are politically literate, they understand party differences and know basic political concepts and facts. Other names for this concept include political expertise, political awareness, and civic competence. Using Jennings and Niemi's youth-parent panel socialization data, we conclude that cognitive mobilization has the largest effect on political literacy, followed fairly closely by structural roles. Socialization agents have a very minor effect. This conclusion partly supports prevailing cognitive mobilization explanations of this concept. However, self-selection causes much of the relationship between political literacy and education, making education's cognitive mobilization potential far smaller than most political scientists assumed. Political involvement and ability are the main sources of cognitive mobilization instead, and education's spurious cross-sectional effect primarily reflects structural roles.     

How MFN clauses used in the health care industry unreasonably restrain trade under the Sherman Act

When used in the health care industry, an MFN clause is a contractual agreement that guarantees a health insurer the same best price as their market competitors. MFN clauses have the effect of unnecessarily raising consumer costs, reducing choice among providers, constraining access to care and preventing the development of alternative health care delivery models. The purpose of this paper is four-fold. First, to design a four-quadrant matrix to evaluate the pro-competitive and anticompetitive purposes and effects of MFN clauses under Section 1 of the Sherman Act. Second, to defeat the jurisprudential presumption that MFN clauses are pro-competitive in the health care industry and to recommend that this presumption be abolished. Third, to examine the U.S. Department of Justice's paradigmatic shift over the last decade toward prosecuting large insurers who employ MFN clauses resulting in U.S. Consent Decrees. Fourth, to outline the indicia of a meritorious claim against an insurer who employs an MFN clause.     

The "GeneTrustee": a universal identification system that ensures privacy and confidentiality for human genetic databases

This article describes a generic model for access to samples and information in human genetic databases. The model utilises a "GeneTrustee", a third-party intermediary independent of the subjects and of the investigators or database custodians. The GeneTrustee model has been implemented successfully in various community genetics screening programs and has facilitated research access to genetic databases while protecting the privacy and confidentiality of research subjects. The GeneTrustee model could also be applied to various types of non-conventional genetic databases, including neonatal screening Guthrie card collections, and to forensic DNA samples.     

Shattered expectations: Public responses to “out-of-character” presidential actions

Six alternative hypotheses about public responses to out-of-character presidential actions were tested in an experiment that manipulated both the president's preexisting policy position (a hawkish or a dovish stance in international affairs) and the nature of his action in an international crisis (hawkish versus dovish). In addition, subjects themselves were classified as hawks or doves. Approval of the president and of his response to the crisis was a complex function of the policy views of the subject and the consistency of the president's action with his past record. Doves supported presidents and actions that were compatible with their own dovish leanings but resented a dovish president who behaved hawkishly, generally confirming the view that similarity breeds attraction. By contrast, hawks were willing to tolerate dovish behavior if it was undertaken by a hawk, supporting the expectation that out-of-character actions are uniquely capable of disarming would-be opponents. For neither hawkish nor dovish presidents were these findings consistent with the waffling interpretation, which holds that inconsistency per se is downgraded. Compared to presidents whose actions were consistent with their previous beliefs, out-of-character presidents were preceived as more changeable, in both positive and negative senses; were believed to have disliked doing what they had done; and were judged to have been relatively uninfluenced by internal causes.