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Che‐po Chan 《当代中国》1999,8(22):381-403
This study investigates the political orientation of Chinese university students after the 1989 movement. By drawing on survey data, it aims to judge whether there is a persistence or discontinuity in the students’ political orientation. It is found that students’ political beliefs remained the same before and after 1989 but their involvement in politics has changed to a pragmatic approach. The impact of the 1989 movement and the opportunity structure available on campus in the 1990s has contributed to the political pragmatism of university students. The relationship between economic activism and political pragmatism among the student population is also explored in this study. 相似文献
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Monika Prützel‐Thomas 《German politics》2013,22(3):112-127
The handling of the property question in the German unification process and Treaty has met with harsh criticism by east Germans and west Germans alike, unifying, for once, both radical and liberal left, as well as some conservatives. Conservative groups in the west were up in arms about the Treaty's recognition of the land reform under Soviet occupation, while the majority of people in the east and also the western left brandished the principle ‘restitution before compensation’ as a major obstacle to investment in the east. This article argues that restitution did not have the significance that is often claimed. In reality the situation was much more complex, and many other factors than the possible restitution of property were responsible for the slower than expected economic recovery of the east. 相似文献
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The new Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) held its first election in 1998. Based on data from a post‐election survey, this article charts the pattern of intermediation environments and their impact on electoral participation. An intermediation environment is a network of communicating information or points of view. This study focuses on the environments of primary social networks, secondary associations and the mass media. They are found to be influential in the diffusion of political knowledge and in mobilizing electoral participation. However, the majority of Hong Kong citizens are unembedded in these environments, thereby carrying negative implications for the democratic transition in Hong Kong. 相似文献