首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   915篇
  免费   21篇
各国政治   75篇
工人农民   35篇
世界政治   67篇
外交国际关系   62篇
法律   442篇
中国政治   3篇
政治理论   240篇
综合类   12篇
  2021年   10篇
  2020年   9篇
  2019年   15篇
  2018年   14篇
  2017年   26篇
  2016年   34篇
  2015年   14篇
  2014年   22篇
  2013年   149篇
  2012年   20篇
  2011年   36篇
  2010年   40篇
  2009年   34篇
  2008年   36篇
  2007年   48篇
  2006年   30篇
  2005年   23篇
  2004年   28篇
  2003年   32篇
  2002年   35篇
  2001年   19篇
  2000年   26篇
  1999年   12篇
  1998年   12篇
  1997年   10篇
  1996年   8篇
  1995年   8篇
  1994年   11篇
  1993年   7篇
  1992年   8篇
  1990年   6篇
  1989年   11篇
  1988年   9篇
  1987年   6篇
  1986年   13篇
  1985年   9篇
  1984年   5篇
  1983年   6篇
  1980年   9篇
  1979年   7篇
  1978年   4篇
  1977年   7篇
  1976年   8篇
  1975年   4篇
  1974年   6篇
  1973年   4篇
  1972年   6篇
  1970年   6篇
  1966年   4篇
  1965年   4篇
排序方式: 共有936条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
601.
Policy makers can use four different modes of governance: ‘hierarchy’, ‘markets’, ‘networks’ and ‘persuasion’. In this article, it is argued that ‘nudging’ represents a distinct (fifth) mode of governance. The effectiveness of nudging as a means of bringing about lasting behaviour change is questioned and it is argued that evidence for its success ignores the facts that many successful nudges are not in fact nudges; that there are instances when nudges backfire; and that there may be ethical concerns associated with nudges. Instead, and in contrast to nudging, behaviour change is more likely to be enduring where it involves social identity change and norm internalisation. The article concludes by urging public policy scholars to engage with the social identity literature on ‘social influence’, and the idea that those promoting lasting behaviour change need to engage with people not as individual cognitive misers, but as members of groups whose norms they internalise and enact.  相似文献   
602.
603.
Electric utilities have typically enjoyed a close and cooperative relationship with the state regulatory bodies that oversee them. In 2001, the Colorado Public Utilities Commission mandated that the largest Colorado utility build a wind power plant as part of its conventional generating capacity, despite the utility's vigorous objections. Local environmental groups, intervening in a form of rule making called Integrated Resource Planning, succeeded in overturning regulatory capture. This paper explains this anomalous case and highlights the role of knowledge and learning in the outcome. The case shows the opportunities and limitations of using contested technical knowledge to push for institutional learning. The case also suggests the importance of repeated policy processes. Wind energy advocates perceived that they had acquired participation equity, ownership in the process akin to Kingdon's “softening up,” which led policy makers to take their arguments more seriously, opening up the possibility of institutional learning.  相似文献   
604.
Juvenile and family courts have witnessed a sharp increase in the number and complexity of dependency cases involving the interstate placement of abused or neglected children. A new provision of the Interstate Compact on the Placement of Children (ICPC) is designed to speed interstate placement decisions and case processing. The authors review the history, present status, and efforts to improve the ICPC to better serve children and their families.  相似文献   
605.
606.
The ``Law of 1/n'' postulates a positive relationship betweenthe number of democratically electedrepresentative districts and governmentspending. Strong support for thisrelationship exists in legislatures in theUnited States (at both the state andnational level) and across countries. Fewstudies have examined this relationship atthe local level despite the fact that localgovernments operate under constraintssimilar to those faced by representativelegislatures. Using a sample of Georgiacounties we find the number of countycommissioners to be positively correlatedwith county government expenditures,indicating support for the Law of 1/nat the local level.  相似文献   
607.
608.
609.
610.
This article surveys some of the key contributions to the secondary literature on Australia's foreign and defence policy during Robert Gordon Menzies' two prime ministerships (1939–41, 1949–66), and seeks to identify Menzies' place in a "Liberal" and Liberal Party tradition through a reading of this work. Via a study of Menzies' imperialism, British race patriotism, nationalism, and attitudes towards Asia and the United States of America, it argues that the prime minister stands in an ambiguous relationship to the transformation that occurred in Australia's international orientation between the 1930s and 1960s. In the 1950s the Australian government's cold war foreign policy, and the political language that Menzies used in private and public to articulate it, were largely successful in balancing the competing claims of Britishness, Australianness and the newly-formed "American Alliance". By the early 1960s, however, his nostalgia for a dissolving imperial order was sufficiently pronounced that it contributed powerfully to a symbolic and rhetorical defeat for his side of politics, allowing Labor to claim the mantle of Australian foreign policy modernity.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号