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731.
In this article, we analyse an instance of revitalisation of a dormant interregional organisation dating back to the Cold War: the Zone of Peace and Cooperation of the South Atlantic (ZOPACAS), initially launched by South American and African states in 1986 through the UN General Assembly. Drawing on the concepts of “consensual hegemony” we argue that the current phase of ZOPACAS’ existence is characterised by Brazil's efforts to rekindle it, thus reflecting its aspiration to create a new space of influence. Rather than pursuing more traditional forms of regional leadership, Brazil uses ZOPACAS as part of a persuasion-based strategy based on regional multilateralism that is designed in antagonism to other international organisations and Western powers. However, this strategy also faces important limitations resulting from resource constraints, lack of institutionalisation and an excessive exclusionary focus on minimising the role of global powers with interests in the region.  相似文献   
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733.
Politicians suffer intrusive and aggressive behaviours from members of the public, often lone actors fixated on personal grievances. Few explorations of intrusive behaviours towards politicians have been published; their results are not directly comparable. We surveyed intrusive/aggressive behaviours towards UK members of parliament (MPs); our survey instrument was then administered to MPs at three other parliaments (Queensland, New Zealand, and Norway), providing a cross-national, four-site comparison. 239 MPs completed the UK survey. This 38% response rate produced prevalence rates remarkably similar to the other sites, New Zealand having an 84% response rate. 81% of UK MPs had experienced one or more of the 12 behaviours specified, the mean being five. 18% had been subject to attack/attempted attack, 42% to threats to harm and 22% to property damage. In 53% of respondents, experiences met definitions of stalking or harassment. This has implications for the provision of risk assessment and management.  相似文献   
734.
Research has found that when private citizens view law enforcement as legitimate authority figures, they are more likely to obey laws and voluntarily comply with police demands. Although procedural justice has shown to be an important predictor of perceived police legitimacy, a recent line of studies has found other significant correlates of this outcome, including media exposure, ethnic identity and strain. To date, however, few studies have explored the role collegiate-based informal social controls play in predicting law enforcement legitimacy evaluations. Using questionnaire data from a convenience sample of college students, linear regression equations were estimated to explore whether Hirschi's four social bond measures predict the obligation to obey and trust in police constructs of police legitimacy. Across both models and even after controlling for procedural justice, respondent beliefs were positively correlated with these measures. Theoretical and policy implications are discussed.  相似文献   
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736.
The recent shift from the Millennium Development Goals to the much broader Sustainable Development Goals has given further impetus to the debate on the nexus between the multiple sectors of policy-making that the Goals are to cover. The key message in this debate is that different domains—for instance, water, energy and food—are interconnected and can thus not be effectively resolved unless they are addressed as being fully interrelated and interdependent. Yet while this overall narrative is forcefully supported in the new UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the 17 Sustainable Development Goals that are the main part of this agenda, many Goals still remain sectoral in their basic outlook. This now requires, we argue, a new focus in both policy and research on the nexus between different Sustainable Development Goals, especially with a view to reforms in the overall institutional setting that is required to sufficiently support such a nexus approach. This article thus examines the nexus approach in the context of the Sustainable Development Goals and identifies multiple avenues for its institutionalisation in global governance.  相似文献   
737.
IntroductionVole captive bolt devices are powder actuated spring guns that are used as a pest control mean. After having triggered the explosion of the blank cartridge by touching a metal ring around the muzzle, the vole is killed by the massive propulsion of the gas jet. Improper use and recklessness while handling these devices may cause severe injuries with the hand of the operator at particular risk. Currently, there are no experimental investigations on the ballistic background of these devices.MethodsAn experimental test set-up was designed for measurement of the firing pressure and the dynamic force of the gas jet of a vole captive bolt device. Therefore, a vole captive bolt device was prepared with a pressure take-off channel and a piezoelectric transducer for measurement of the firing pressure. For measurement of the dynamic impact force of the gas jet an annular quartz force sensor was installed on a test bench. Each three simultaneous measurements of the cartridges’ firing pressure and the dynamic force of the blast wave were taken at various distances between muzzle and load washer.ResultsThe maximum gas pressure in the explosion chamber was up to 1100 bar. The shot development over time showed a typical gas pressure curve. Flow velocity of the gas jet was up to 2000 m/s. The maximum impact force of the gas jet at the target showed a strong inverse ratio to the muzzle's distance and was up to 11,500 N for the contact shot distance. Energy density of the gas jet for the close contact shot was far beyond the energy density required for skin penetration.ConclusionThe unique design features (short tube between cartridge mouth and muzzle and narrow diameter of the muzzle) of these gadgets are responsible for the high firing pressure, velocity and force of the gas jet. These findings explain the trauma mechanics of the extensive tissue damage observed in accidental shots of these devices.  相似文献   
738.
Die Vorschläge der "Kriminalpolitischen Initiative" (KI) zum Haftentlastungspaket haben einige Ergebnisse gebracht (vgl StRÄG 2008 BGBl I 2007/109).1) Daneben gibt es bestimmte Fragen, die noch nicht in Angriff genommen wurden. Die KI greift daher zwei ihr wichtig erscheinende Probleme heraus, die einerseits am unteren, andererseits am oberen Ende der Intensitätsskala strafrechtlichen Freiheitsentzuges liegen, und macht dazu die folgenden Vorschläge.  相似文献   
739.
740.
The present study is a first-time evaluation of the Violence Risk Appraisal Guide's (VRAG) predictive quality for institutional violence in a German-speaking country. The VRAG was assessed for 106 violent and sexual offenders based on their files. Violent infractions during imprisonment were evaluated using the files of the state penitentiary. Results show in accordance with previous studies only a moderate effect between VRAG scores and institutional misconduct. However, these findings were only significant for participants with a sex crime as index offense. In the study, the VRAG was unable to predict verbal and physical violence by violent offenders. The implications of these findings for institutional risk management and the future development of intramural detection of participants at risk in the German-speaking part of Europe are discussed.  相似文献   
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