全文获取类型
收费全文 | 274篇 |
免费 | 18篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 18篇 |
工人农民 | 14篇 |
世界政治 | 25篇 |
外交国际关系 | 6篇 |
法律 | 149篇 |
中国政治 | 6篇 |
政治理论 | 69篇 |
综合类 | 5篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 5篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 11篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 52篇 |
2012年 | 6篇 |
2011年 | 11篇 |
2010年 | 10篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 9篇 |
2007年 | 9篇 |
2006年 | 4篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 11篇 |
2003年 | 13篇 |
2002年 | 9篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 4篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 5篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 6篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 2篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有292条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
191.
192.
193.
This article presents a philosophical account of the natureof crime. It argues that the criminal law contains both fault-basedcrimes and strict liability offences, and that these two representdifferent paradigms of liability. It goes on to argue that thegist of fault-based crimes lies in their being public wrongs,not (as is often thought) because they wrong the public, butbecause the public is responsible for punishing them, i.e. becausethey merit state punishment. What makes wrongs deserving ofpunishment is that they are seriously blameworthy, inasmuchas they evince a disrespect for the values violated. But theyonly merit state punishment when they violate important values,not simply due to the well-known pragmatic considerations againstthe use of the criminal law, but to the intrinsic expressiveforce of criminal conviction. Finally, the analysis of fault-basedcrimes points to a role for strict liability in regulating actionsthat are not seriously blameworthy but do increase the riskof values being damaged. 相似文献
194.
Darren Grant 《Public Choice》2017,172(3-4):421-442
Primary and runoff elections in Texas provide an ideal test of the ballot order hypothesis, because ballot order is randomized within each county and the state offers many counties and contests to analyze. Doing so for all statewide offices contested in the 2014 Democratic and Republican primaries and runoffs yields precise estimates of the ballot order effect across 24 different contests, including several not studied previously. Except for a few high-profile, high-information races, the ballot order effect is large, especially in down-ballot races for judicial positions. There, the empirical results indicate that going from last to first on the ballot raises a candidate’s vote share by nearly ten percentage points. The magnitude of this effect is not sensitive to demographic and economic factors. 相似文献
195.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - 相似文献
196.
A number of states passed legislation in the 1990s requiring youths to wear helmets when riding bicycles. The effect of this legislation on bicycling fatalities is examined by subjecting data from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System to a panel analysis, using a control‐group methodology. A helmet law reduces fatalities by about 15 percent in the long run, less in the short run. There is no evidence of spillover effects (to adults) or substitution effects (youths choosing other methods of transportation) associated with implementation of a helmet law. Through 2000, existing helmet laws have saved 130 lives. If all states had adopted helmet laws in 1975, more than 1500 lives would have been saved. © 2004 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
197.
198.
199.
200.
Grant Harman 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1977,36(2):205-226
Abstract: Until recently little work has been done on the government of post-secondary education in Australia. The development of the present arrangements for the coordination of post-secondary education is thus described and analysed, as are the structure and functions of the two national agencies and the various State bodies which have responsibility for coordination of colleges of advanced education. This analysis shows the growing size, complexity and costs of this sector of education, and the increasing involvement of the Commonwealth government in an area of traditional State responsibility. Yet there is still no single agency to coordinate the various activities of the Commonwealth government in higher education and only two States have such agencies. For the colleges of advanced education there are two national coordinating bodies, and at State level the arrangements vary markedly. There is also great variety in the relationships between individual colleges (which themselves differ greatly) and their State agencies, but overall there appears to be tension and dissatisfaction. In three ways could these relationships be improved: creating a greater degree of mutual recognition of rights and responsibilities; a revision of areas over which control is exercised; and a revision of the actual mechanics of coordination. Further, the assumption by the Commonwealth government of full financial responsibility for all tertiary education in January 1974 has added new sources of tension in the relationships between Federal and State governments and their agencies. The present pattern, however, is not static, but in a process of change. 相似文献