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271.
韩勇 《行政与法》2013,(5):39-43
本文采取扎根研究的方法,以广西壮族自治区十四个地市的文化治理实践为研究对象,总结了新时期农村社会管理创新之文化治理模式,即:加强农村基层党员培训,破解"三个难题";以公共文化服务创新为抓手,实施文化惠民工程;以高度的文化自觉和文化自信,积极推进文化传承与创新。  相似文献   
272.
In the last few decades, proponents of critical race theory have uncovered everyday forms of injustice that continue to affect the lives of men and women of color by exposing the subtle forms of racism that exist in the stock stories told by the dominant group as well as the counterstories told by subaltern groups. However, rarely have we examined the stock stories articulated by subaltern groups to marginalize other subaltern groups. In this paper, I consider the stock stories told by gay White men and the counterstories expressed by gay Asian men to examine subtle forms of racism within the gay community. I argue that we need not only to reveal how the stories narrated by the dominant group continue to maintain social inequality, but that we also need to consider how subaltern groups help to maintain social inequality by adapting the language of the dominant group to use against other subaltern groups.  相似文献   
273.
近年来,“海洋强国”一词的使用频率日渐增多,建设海洋强国已成为中华民族伟大复兴的一个重要战略.与此同时,面对国际海洋权益竞争以及坚决维护海洋权益的必然要求,面对国内海洋经济的迅猛发展以及海洋管理体制改革、新型海洋利益集团的形成以及公民对于参与海洋管理的强烈诉求,海洋社会管理越来越成为建设海洋强国与新一轮海洋管理的重要领域.如何立足我国海洋国情,借鉴世界其他海洋强国在海洋开发、控制与综合管理经验,科学规划,系统布局,形成具有中国特色的海洋社会管理创新模式,是摆在我们面前的一项重大课题.本文通过对相关概念的梳理与界定,提出“构建以海洋局和国家海洋委员会为中心的、以各级海洋协调委员会为协调组织的、以沿海社区为基层平台的中国特色海洋社会管理模式”的基本框架.  相似文献   
274.
科学发展观和社会主义核心价值体系,对这两者关系的认识具有理论探索和实践导引的重要意义。从具体运作的合目的性和有效性来讲,社会主义核心价值体系是总体以及各领域工作科学发展的道义保障。本文的分析指出,这种道义保障主要包括三个方面的内容,即由哲学提供的信仰根据、由价值提供的发展导向以及由理想提供的自由状态。  相似文献   
275.
本文旨在从经验的角度,探讨不同的政治社会化经历对选民支持候选人决定的稳定性产生的影响。鉴于韩国政党政治历史不长,笔者将西欧意义上的政治社会化概念引入韩国社会。因此,本文以"和参照组的政治沟通"作为政治社会化指标,考察在2007年和2012年两次总统选举中韩国选民的政治社会化水平对支持候选人决定的稳定性产生的影响力。研究结果表明,韩国选民越是通过具有相同政治倾向的周围人实现政治社会化,稳定地支持同一政党候选人的倾向就越明显。这个结果意味着不同于以往不同居住地选民支持不同政党的惯例,韩国选民通过政治社会化来加强与特定政党之间关联性的基础正在形成。  相似文献   
276.
Since the Korean criminal DNA database was launched in 2010, we have focused on establishing an automated DNA database profiling system that analyzes short tandem repeat loci in a high‐throughput and cost‐effective manner. We established a DNA database profiling system without DNA purification using a direct PCR buffer system. The quality of direct PCR procedures was compared with that of conventional PCR system under their respective optimized conditions. The results revealed not only perfect concordance but also an excellent PCR success rate, good electropherogram quality, and an optimal intra/inter‐loci peak height ratio. In particular, the proportion of DNA extraction required due to direct PCR failure could be minimized to <3%. In conclusion, the newly developed direct PCR system can be adopted for automated DNA database profiling systems to replace or supplement conventional PCR system in a time‐ and cost‐saving manner.  相似文献   
277.

This paper explores the Fighters' Bulletin (Tusahoebo) , which was initially published by a student organization during the Gwangju People's Uprising and later became a kind of official newspaper of the struggle headquarters. Through an analysis of the contents of the Fighters' Bulletin , this study reconstructs the trajectory of the collective identity construction. The Fighters' Bulletin informed Gwangju citizens of the meaning and development of the Uprising and earnestly devoted itself to construct the collective identity of "we," defining the object and the subject of the resistance and guidelines for action. Concentrated on constructing the collective identity at the beginning, it tried to resist the stigmatic framing of the dominant discourses, to highlight the true meaning of the struggle. In the later stage of struggle, it devoted itself to investing in the emotional framing through the participants' willingness to sacrifice their lives for the struggle. It concludes that, even though the Gwangju Uprising was a failed 10-day long revolution, its collective identity, which was constructed and manifested through the Fighters' Bulletin, has been appropriated as a major framework for subsequent political struggles in South Korea.  相似文献   
278.
The benefits of today's Indo-globalization have bypassed those most in need: the nearly 70% of the workforce that remains in agriculture. Only about 1.3 million of the total workforce have a tangible stake in India's vaunted New Economy. While that globalized sector lifts the aggregate economy toward nearly double digit growth, there will be little of China's labor-intensive industrialization to take up the slack as 70 million Indians enter the workforce over the next five years. This is a country with more indigenous billionaires than any except the US, yet one in three of the 1.1 billion population subsists on less than $1 per day. These are not the wages of substantive democracy, or even sustainable plutocracy. Globalized India will sink or swim by how well it negotiates its coming clash between haves and have-nots. Talk of a “Shining India” almost always omits reference to the rising scourge of Naxalism in the derelict countryside. The rural meltdown has reached such a scale that the usual Naxalite question must be reversed. Instead of asking how the movement became so widespread, we should ponder why it is not wider still. There is no doubt that the Other India will fight back against globalization on these terms. The only question is whether this resistance can be brought into the fold of mainstream Indian politics, thereby producing a uniquely democratic Indo-globalization.  相似文献   
279.
韩振文 《青年论坛》2014,(2):107-110
司法假定是法官在裁判过程中作出初步判断的基本思维方式,本质上为法官职业判断能力的体现.以司法假定问题为导向来聚合人文社会科学中的相关理论,各理论所采取的见解与态度给司法假定的理论基础研究带来有益启示.通过法学、心理学、哲学、经济学、历史社会学等多学科沟通意义上的描述及评价,就可很好地把握透视司法假定的理论来源.  相似文献   
280.
Li Han 《Public Choice》2014,158(1-2):221-242
Are elections in autocracies a curse for incumbents? Using panel data from village elections in China, the OLS regression shows that introducing competitive elections has a relatively small effect on the removal of autocratic incumbents. However, the effect becomes much larger when the endogenous timing is instrumented with the passage of provincial election laws and village-specific election cycles. Additional evidence also suggests that removing incumbents through competitive elections enhances local governance. I interpret these results as suggesting that political selection matters in electoral autocracies.  相似文献   
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