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This article explores the political and strategic implications of Scottish Independence for existing transatlantic security arrangements. It examines the potential institutional, legal and political obstacles Scotland might face during the transition to independence and discusses the specific challenges in the area of security and defence, including the nuclear issue and the question of what form an independent Scottish Defence Force (SDF) would need to take to allow and facilitate integration in transatlantic security structures. It argues that a number of strategic and political issues could be mitigated in the course of negotiations between Edinburgh and London. Moreover, Scotland's geostrategic position and political orientation make it an important prospective partner in international security cooperation across the Eastern Atlantic, High North and North Sea, which suggests that an advanced partnership with NATO, and eventually full membership, seems like an option that is both politically viable and more likely than any scenario that predicts seeing an independent Scotland (IS) outside these structures. This challenges some of the main strategic and security political arguments against independence and thus seeks to spark a debate about the realistic options for Scotland should it become independent after 2016. 相似文献
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Recent years have seen an increase in the use of delegated legislation to implement major policy decisions in the UK. This has exacerbated the longstanding criticism that Westminster lacks sufficiently robust procedures for parliamentary scrutiny of delegated legislation. However, the UK is not the only country to use delegated legislation, or to face the challenge of ensuring it receives adequate parliamentary scrutiny. This article therefore places the UK system in wider context by comparing it to six other national parliaments. We highlight one comparative strength of the UK system, two weaknesses it shares with the other six cases, and one way in which the UK might learn lessons from elsewhere. Overall, our evidence suggests that no one country offers a clear template for more rigorous parliamentary scrutiny of delegated legislation. Successful reform of the UK's system is likely to require creative procedural innovation. 相似文献
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This case represents unusual findings of elevated bupivacaine and tryptase concentrations following local anesthetic, bupivacaine, administered as a scalene nerve block for elective rotator cuff repair surgery. Following bupivacaine injection, the patient exhibited almost immediate seizure activity, bradycardia, and cardiac arrest. Resuscitative efforts including cardiopulmonary bypass restored a cardiac rhythm. However, the clinical medical status of the patient progressively declined and he died 7 h following administration of the local anesthetic. Autopsy revealed several abnormalities of the heart including cardiomegaly, myocardial bridging, and lipomatous hypertrophy of the intraatrial septum, which may have contributed to bradycardia and arrhythmia. Postmortem toxicology results revealed elevated bupivacaine and tryptase concentrations. Elevated postmortem bupivacaine concentrations 7 h following administration and abrupt onset of seizures indicate unintentional intravascular injection instead of nerve and tissue infiltration. An elevated postmortem tryptase concentration points to the possibility of a hypersensitivity reaction to bupivacaine. 相似文献
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Lantz Fleming Miller 《Human Rights Review》2013,14(1):31-51
While in recent years new charters and government actions have boosted the collective and individual rights enjoyed by “Fourth-World” indigenous peoples such as the Inuit, another set of indigenous peoples has not experienced such protection: “self-delimiting” peoples. Their rights go largely unprotected because of deliberate ambiguities in the word “indigenous”; because these peoples generally avoid all contact with the larger society, and so are unknown by it and have no voice in it; and because charters and institutions generally require validation of an indigenous people as bona fide—such as a history of contact and of evident land occupation—in order for the group to enjoy full rights protections. Both practice and theory may militate against the extension of full protection. This paper argues that theory, institutions building upon it, and practice realizable from theory and institutions must be reconsidered in terms of the particular circumstances and needs of these peoples if their rights are to be fully respected and maintained. Clear, special protection for these peoples’ rights to their culture must be established. 相似文献
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