高频超声检查在周围神经损伤鉴定中的应用价值

目的探讨高频超声检查在周围神经损伤鉴定中应用的价值。方法收集38例锐器伤、钝挫伤、骨折及撞击造成的单侧肢体外伤病例,应用东芝Aplio 500型彩色多普勒超声诊断仪进行高频超声检查,将其特征性表现与30例正常周围神经的高频超声图表现进行对比分析。结果经高频超声检查,确诊38例周围神经损伤中发生于颈部5例、下肢5例,上肢27例(肘部以上3例、以下24例)。损伤类型包括卡压性损伤8例、创伤性神经瘤28例、神经完全断裂2例。特征性表现为:卡压性损伤神经受压处变细,近端神经节段性增粗;创伤性神经瘤与神经干相连的梭形增粗段,增粗段神经外膜的线性强回声中断,内部回声紊乱;神经完全断裂表现为神经外膜强回声线与神经纤维低回声束完全中断,断端两侧均呈梭形瘤样改变。结论高频超声能够明确周围神经损伤类型及发生节段,可为法医学人体损伤程度鉴定提供有价值的参考依据。     

大数据环境下数字图书馆的基本职能

数字图书馆作为一种信息环境,其基本属性仍是收藏属性,基本职能仍是文献收藏。在大数据环境下,尤其需要重视对数字信息资源的整理与收藏,在这个过程中需要政府的强力支持,数字资源呈缴制度的建立与法律保障,数字图书馆联盟的组织,国家图书馆的核心领导,信息生产商、出版商、网络用户、技术商的合作,图书馆、档案馆、个人用户的协调,以发挥数字图书馆在大数据环境下保存和传承人类文化的基本职能。     

增权理论视角下的新生代农民工自媒体传播研究探讨

近年来新生代农民工以争取平等市民权益的集体行动日渐增多,其中微博、论坛等自媒体扮演着自我觉醒、信息传递、情绪发酵、协同组织等重要角色。该文以此为研究对象,探讨了增权理论视角下新生代农民工自媒体传播研究的分析框架、核心问题、研究思路和研究方法,以求同一框架下更多研究成果的相互检验,促进现实问题的解决和西方理论的本土化。     

Ministers,Markets and Missiles: The British Government,the European Economic Community and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, 1964–68

Existing accounts of British efforts to achieve a nuclear non-proliferation treaty between 1964 and 1968 largely overlook the later stages of decision making within the Labour government. Scrutiny of previously classified sources reveals that a desire for entry into the European Economic Community had a much larger influence on the content and conduct of British non-proliferation policy than previously suggested. By 1967, Prime Minister Harold Wilson sought a secondary role in treaty negotiations, and left the running to the superpowers. This avoided unnecessary conflict with the countries of the Community, resentful of the Treaty's discriminatory terms, and helped to protect Britain's application to join the EEC. Although this bid was unsuccessful, ambitions for future membership continued to influence non-proliferation policy in 1968. Indeed, a desire for future entry into the EEC helps to explain why Britain became the first nuclear weapon state to ratify the Treaty.     

Distributional effects of dollarisation: the Latin American case

Over the past two years Ecuador, El Salvador and Guatemala have adopted the US dollar as a legal currency in their countries. Several other Latin American countries, including Argentina, are currently discussing dollarisation. In this policy paper we look at the existing evidence for answers to two basic questions. First, under what general circumstances might dollarisation make sense? Second, are there clearly differentiated winners and losers from dollarisation and, if so, can we identify them, so that policy can take these political economy factors into consideration? Our review of the evidence demonstrates that there are consistent patterns of distributional effects, both positive and negative, from the choice of exchange rate regime. These effects are presently not considered in exchange rate policy decision making, but should be. While the effects are not as pronounced as those from major trade liberalisation agreements, they are significant. Ways to cushion the effects of exchange rate regime choice should be considered in the future by policy makers. Moreover, we find that dollarisation is embedded in the politics of the region. Dollarisation is often sold as a substitute for the deeper institutional reforms needed to improve economic performance and distribution in Latin America.     

Social Movements and Alliance-Building in Latin America

In the midst of an accelerating capitalist crisis, the enthusiasm of many academic commentators for social movements as a form of grassroots political agency capable of successfully resisting a globally rampant capitalism has not abated. This despite the weight of evidence to the contrary, which indicates that in Latin America the interests of farmers and smallholding peasants belonging to these movements are not best served by engaging with center-left parliamentary politics. Case studies of such alliance-building examined here include social movements in Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Ecuador and Venezuela, and also Mexico, Costa Rica, Peru, Colombia, Chile, the Dominican Republic and Haiti.