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111.
This article is an adapted, narrative version of an expert witnessreport the author wrote for the Defence of one of the accusedbefore the Special Court for Sierra Leone. The case againstthe Civil Defence Forces militia was predicated in part on theargument that the CDF was a military organization with military-stylecommand and control. Based on a close reading of the Prosecution'smilitary expert witness report and the author's ethnographicresearch with the militia, the article outlines a case for understandingthe CDF as the militarization of a social network rather thanas a military organization. This framing has implications notonly for post-conflict adjudication, but for how we think aboutand intervene in violent contexts throughout contemporary WestAfrica. 相似文献
112.
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Social media engagement is common among adolescents, yet not all adolescents use social media in the same ways or experience the same adjustment correlates. This... 相似文献
113.
Jonathan Hoffman 《中东政策》2021,28(1):87-104
Great-power competition has once again assumed primacy in the international arena. Facing a rising China and a resurgent Russia, the United States formally reoriented its National Security Strategy in 2017 to place more emphasis on the return of great-power politics and global multipolarity. With the resumption of such competition, the Middle East has rightfully been noted as a regional theater where Russia and China have sought to exploit US policy blunders and retrenchment (real or perceived) to push for increased regional multipolarity. Although the Middle East has been recognized as a prime theater for great-power competition, the approaches adopted by most existing studies are primarily one-sided: they examine great-power competition in the region from the outside, stressing how global powers are manipulating affairs in the Middle East in order to advance their own interests. Often missing from this conversation is how external engagement in the Middle East is being exploited and shaped by regional powers and endogenous developments. This study seeks to fill this gap by using the conceptual lens of omnialignment to examine how regional powers are manipulating the return of great-power competition to advance their own strategic imperatives, both at home and abroad. 相似文献
114.
Curhan Alexa L. Rabinowitz Jill A. Pas Elise T. Bradshaw Catherine P. 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2020,49(1):311-322
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - A number of studies have used variable-centered approaches to examine informant discrepancies on children’s behavior problems; however, few such studies... 相似文献
115.
Limiting the attention countries receive from the foreign press is thought to reduce the incidence of deadly foreign attacks, but by how much? We show that the incidence of deadly foreign terrorism increases as a nonlinear function of the level of foreign press attention states receive. As a result, the benefits of reducing foreign press attention to prevent deadly foreign terrorist attacks are uneven: some states stand to benefit more than others. Nevertheless, we also show that reducing press attention produces, at best, only minor reductions in the number of deadly foreign terrorist attacks states experience. These results suggest that reducing foreign press attention may not provide as much security as governments expect. 相似文献
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118.
Schad MM Szwedo DE Antonishak J Hare A Allen JP 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(3):346-358
The broader context of relational aggression in adolescent romantic relationships was assessed by considering the ways such
aggression emerged from prior experiences of peer pressure and was linked to concurrent difficulties in psychosocial functioning.
Longitudinal, multi-reporter data were obtained from 97 adolescents and their best friends at age 15 and from adolescents
and their romantic partners at age 18. Teens’ relational aggression and romantic partners’ victimization were predicted from
levels of best friends’ pressuring behaviors toward teens in an observed interaction as well as from best friends’ ratings
of how much pressure teens experienced from their peer group. Romantic partner relational aggression and teen victimization
were predicted by pressure from teens’ peer group only. Adolescents’ romantic relational aggression and victimization were
also associated with elevated levels of depressive symptoms and increased alcohol use. Results are discussed in terms of the
connection of relational aggression in romantic relationships to the broader task of establishing autonomy with peers in psychosocial
development.
相似文献
Megan M. SchadEmail: |
119.
Jill K. Clark 《Public administration review》2018,78(3):362-374
Researchers suggest that inequity and disparities in public participation in the policy‐making process will go hand in hand unless public managers and community leaders are attentive to these concerns when they are designing participation opportunities. Previous research has considered how the design of participatory opportunities can address inequity, but it has provided few insights into what is behind design choices. This article provides a theoretical framework that links public managers' and community leaders' perspectives on their own political efficacy and sources of their efficacy, yielding four types of “designers.” The research hypothesizes that these types have different narratives of social equity in participation that affect their design choices. Data from more than 100 public managers and community leaders provide preliminary support for these relationships. Findings suggest that inequitable public participation will persist unless designers consider what is behind their choices, focusing first on understanding the problem setting, or their narrative of equity in public participation. 相似文献
120.
Sean Nicholson‐Crotty Jill Nicholson‐Crotty Sergio Fernandez 《Public administration review》2017,77(2):206-216
In response to police‐involved homicides of black citizens in Ferguson, Missouri, and elsewhere, some have suggested that more black police officers could reduce the number of these events. The authors offer an empirical test of this assertion. The literature offers conflicting expectations: some studies suggest that increased representation reduces discrimination, while others suggest that it increases discrimination. The authors reconcile these perspectives using the concept of critical mass, which leads to the expectation that an increase in black officers will reduce the number of black citizens killed in encounters with police, but only once the proportion of black officers is sufficiently large. We test this expectation in analyses of recently compiled data on police‐involved homicides in 2014 and 2015 in large U.S. cities. 相似文献