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171.
This paper provides a critique of the contemporary notion of intellectual property based on the consequences of Wittgenstein's
“private language argument”. The reticence commonly felt toward recent applications of patent law, e.g., sports moves, is
held to expose erroneous metaphysical assumptions inherent in the spirit of current IP legislation. It is argued that the
modern conception of intellectual property as a kind of natural right, stems from the mistaken internalist or Augustinian
picture of language that Wittgenstein attempted to diffuse. This view becomes persuasive once it is shown that a complete
understanding of the argument against private language must include Wittgenstein's investigation of the role of the will in
the creative process. It is argued that original thought is not born by decree of the will, but engendered by a public context
of meaning and value. What marks a person as a genius is, therefore, according to Wittgenstein, not some sovereign capacity
of conceptual world-making, but merely a propitious dose of intellectual courage.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
172.
Nils‐Christian Bormann Lars‐Erik Cederman Scott Gates Benjamin A. T. Graham Simon Hug Kaare W. Strm Julian Wucherpfennig 《American journal of political science》2019,63(1):84-100
Grievances that derive from the unequal treatment of ethnic groups are a key motivation for civil war. Ethnic power sharing should therefore reduce the risk of internal conflict. Yet conflict researchers disagree on whether formal power‐sharing institutions effectively prevent large‐scale violence. We can improve our understanding of the effect of power‐sharing institutions by analyzing the mechanisms under which they operate. To this effect, we compare the direct effect of formal power‐sharing institutions on peace with their indirect effect through power‐sharing behavior. Combining data on inclusive and territorially dispersive institutions with information on power‐sharing behavior, we empirically assess this relationship on a global scale. Our causal mediation analysis reveals that formal power‐sharing institutions affect the probability of ethnic conflict onset mostly through power‐sharing behavior that these institutions induce. 相似文献
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Julian Schofield 《英联邦与比较政治学杂志》2014,52(2):321-323
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Julian Cooper 《后苏联事务》2013,29(2):121-142
The partial reorientation of the Soviet defense industry toward civilian production is examined by a prominent Western specialist in the context of the overall reduction in military spending. Provisions of the current program for conversion in the defense complex are analyzed with due consideration of anticipated effects on the economy at large. The author discusses the expected mix between civilian and military production within the defense industry, and notes the range and number of enterprises affected. Also outlined are the implications of the conversion program for military R&D and for the size and compensation of the workforce in the defense complex, journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P20, H56. 相似文献
178.
Exploring poverty traps and social exclusion in South Africa using qualitative and quantitative data
Recent theoretical work hypothesises that a polarised society like South Africa will suffer a legacy of ineffective social capital and blocked pathways of upward mobility that leaves large numbers of people trapped in poverty. To explore these ideas, this paper employs a mix of quantitative and qualitative methods. Novel econometric analysis of asset dynamics over the 1993–98 period identifies a dynamic asset poverty threshold that signals that large numbers of South Africans are indeed trapped without a pathway out of poverty. Qualitative analysis of this period and the period 1998–2001 more deeply examines patterns of mobility, and confirms the continuation of this pattern of limited upward mobility and a low-level poverty trap. In addition, the qualitative data permit a closer look at the specific role played by social relationships. While finding ample evidence of active social capital and networks, these are more helpful for non-poor households. For the poor, social capital at best helps stabilise livelihoods at low levels and does little to promote upward mobility. While there is thus some economic sense to sociability in South Africa, elimination of the polarised economic legacy of apartheid will ultimately require more proactive efforts to assure that households have access to a minimum bundle of assets and to the markets needed to effectively build on those assets over time. 相似文献
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