全文获取类型
| 收费全文 | 271篇 |
| 免费 | 7篇 |
专业分类
| 各国政治 | 25篇 |
| 工人农民 | 9篇 |
| 世界政治 | 20篇 |
| 外交国际关系 | 31篇 |
| 法律 | 136篇 |
| 中国政治 | 1篇 |
| 政治理论 | 55篇 |
| 综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
| 2024年 | 3篇 |
| 2023年 | 1篇 |
| 2022年 | 1篇 |
| 2021年 | 3篇 |
| 2020年 | 9篇 |
| 2019年 | 7篇 |
| 2018年 | 18篇 |
| 2017年 | 11篇 |
| 2016年 | 19篇 |
| 2015年 | 9篇 |
| 2014年 | 15篇 |
| 2013年 | 43篇 |
| 2012年 | 4篇 |
| 2011年 | 8篇 |
| 2010年 | 4篇 |
| 2009年 | 5篇 |
| 2008年 | 3篇 |
| 2007年 | 7篇 |
| 2006年 | 5篇 |
| 2005年 | 11篇 |
| 2004年 | 11篇 |
| 2003年 | 2篇 |
| 2002年 | 8篇 |
| 2001年 | 6篇 |
| 2000年 | 3篇 |
| 1999年 | 4篇 |
| 1998年 | 4篇 |
| 1997年 | 5篇 |
| 1996年 | 2篇 |
| 1995年 | 3篇 |
| 1994年 | 6篇 |
| 1993年 | 4篇 |
| 1992年 | 3篇 |
| 1991年 | 8篇 |
| 1990年 | 3篇 |
| 1989年 | 1篇 |
| 1988年 | 1篇 |
| 1987年 | 4篇 |
| 1985年 | 2篇 |
| 1984年 | 2篇 |
| 1983年 | 1篇 |
| 1982年 | 1篇 |
| 1976年 | 1篇 |
| 1975年 | 2篇 |
| 1973年 | 1篇 |
| 1972年 | 1篇 |
| 1971年 | 1篇 |
| 1970年 | 1篇 |
| 1969年 | 1篇 |
排序方式： 共有278条查询结果，搜索用时 0 毫秒
81.
82.
Julian L. Simon 《Policy Sciences》1971,2(4):407-411
This paper proposes a scheme of large-scale migration from poor countries to rich ones to speed up economic development and raise the world's economic level. The key behavioral mechanism is non-school learning; as the migrants and their children take on the culture of the rich country, they acquire the skills and attitudes necessary for modern industrial production. Rich nations will not voluntarily open their borders to such immigration. A change in the international system is therefore suggested, giving power of taxation to an international body. This body would then hold an auction among the rich countries for immigration contracts. Though the present international system makes no provision for such policies, it makes sense to discuss and analyse the policies now, to be ready for possible future changes and perhaps to help stimulate changes in the international level. 相似文献
83.
Rachel Julian 《Global Society》2020,34(1):99-111
ABSTRACTCivilians, working together, and using non-violence to protect themselves and others from direct violence, challenges widespread assumptions that peace and protection can only be delivered by the military and with the threat of force. Unarmed Civilian Peacekeeping (UCP), with 35 years of evidence from projects worldwide, demonstrates that the assumption that an armed actor will not yield to anything except a weapon is false, therefore, challenging the exclusive role of military in peacekeeping. This paper explores (i) by conceptualising UCP as part of peacekeeping new insights into the approaches and mechanisms for preventing violence are revealed, (ii) the transformative capacity of UCP though the relationship with nonviolence theory. Using evidence from the practice of UCP from the organisations involved (including Peace Brigades International and Nonviolent Peaceforce) this paper sets out how we can create different approaches to peacekeeping. 相似文献
84.
85.
David Lowe 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2017,40(11):917-933
As the United Kingdom has placed some of its Prevent strategy on a statutory footing and is proposing to introduce a Counter-Extremism Bill, this article argues that a legal definition of extremism must be carefully drafted to provide legal certainty. The main recommendation is that all forms of violent and nonviolent extremism comes under the definition, ensuring it is differentiated from activism. Activism may hold radical views counter to the mainstream opinion, but it is required in liberal democracies as it encourages healthy debate and can prevent the policing of thought in any government strategy or legislation. 相似文献
86.
87.
Callan G. Stein;Michael S. Lowe;Brett Broczkowski;Christopher M. Brolley; 《College Athletics and the Law》2024,21(1):6-7
Much about the legal aspects of the name, image, and likeness world changed in February when the U.S. District Court of the Eastern District of Tennessee granted a request by the Tennessee and Virginia attorneys general for a preliminary injunction enjoining the NCAA from enforcing certain of its NIL rules. 相似文献
88.
This article examines how the EU's effectiveness as a mediator in peace negotiations can be appropriately conceptualized and analysed. Mediator effectiveness is analysed along two dimensions: goal‐attainment and conflict settlement. Investigation of the conditions of mediator effectiveness is structured around four key sets of variables: mediator leverage, mediation strategy, coherence and the conflict's context. In our empirical analysis of EU mediation between Serbia and Kosovo (Belgrade–Pristina dialogue) we find that the medium degree of EU effectiveness (both in terms of goal‐attainment and conflict settlement) can be explained by its great leverage vis‐à‐vis the conflict parties due to their EU membership aspirations and its strategy of a mix of manipulation and formulation that draws on this leverage to move parties toward agreement through the use of positive incentives. A limited degree of EU coherence and spoiler problems in Northern Kosovo seem to have had a constraining influence on EU effectiveness. 相似文献
89.
Julian V. Roberts 《Criminal justice ethics》2013,32(1):21-30
In this paper my concern is with the collective moral responsibility of criminal investigators for the outcomes of their investigations, bearing in mind that it is important to distinguish collective moral responsibility from, and relate it to, individual moral responsibility. In what sense, if any, are police detectives individually and collectively morally responsible for their success (or, for that matter, their failure) in gathering sufficient evidence to identify, arrest, and charge an offender who has committed a serious crime? Alternatively, in what sense are they morally responsible in cases where they identify, arrest, and charge an innocent person? And in what sense, if any, are police detectives individually and collectively morally responsible for the ultimate outcome of the trial, the finding by the courts of someone they have investigated and charged with a serious crime to be guilty or innocent? 相似文献
90.
The phrase ‘North – South divide’—as well as variations such as ‘North – South gap’ or ‘North – South cleavage’—has become well established in public discourse and scholarly writing. The phrase, however, is highly problematic, as it is simplistic and as there is a substantial danger of misapprehending it for ‘reality’ as such. The indiscriminate usage of the phrase ‘North – South divide’ overlooks the ways in which words create and shape our understanding of the world, on which we, in turn, base our judgements and decisions. The aim of the present paper is to point out specific ways through which this linguistic distinction—as much as any other—shapes our conception of (social) reality. The paper is in two parts. In the first we will initially draw out some pitfalls that inhere in the notion of a ‘North – South divide’qua notion, and then point to other pitfalls that relate to the usage of the expression. In the second part two case studies are presented to illustrate our arguments: one of them deals with China, the other with intellectual property rights. 相似文献