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John L. Hammond 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1996,25(1):17-41
During twelve years of war, the Salvadoran government imprisoned thousands of activists. Confronting massive violations of their human rights, prisoners struggled against prison authorities to resist the abuses to which they were subjected. They also educated themselves mutually, applying the principles of popular education widespread in the Salvadoran popular movement, which emphasized close integration between pedagogy and politics both in the content of education and in the political process. In opposing oppressive confinement and in mutually educating themselves, prisoners continued the political struggle they had been waging outside. Human rights movements working to protect them against violations of their rights used a rhetoric which presented them as helpless victims, but the prisoners' own testimonies reveal that they were active protagonists opposing injustice even in prison. 相似文献
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Recent scholarship shows that social capital has a large influence on political behavior. Social capital’s definition includes trust, norms of reciprocity, and social networks. Most studies, however, ignore the networking component. Here, we test the influence of social networks on political participation using new Japanese survey data. We separately test the effects of involvement in formally organized voluntary associations and informal social networks. We also examine whether hierarchical networks have a different impact on participation than equal relationships. To determine if networks with bridging or bonding social capital affect participation differently, we also measure the openness to outsiders of these networks. Negative binomial regression models indicate a strong positive relationship between formal and informal social networking—including network hierarchy and some forms of openness—and political participation. 相似文献
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Managing “wicked” issues like the tobacco epidemic is addressed using a combination of Open Systems Thinking (OST) and Actor–Network Theory (ANT). OST was used to construct a model of the tobacco problem as a management system acting in a broader environment. This highlighted several problems with the current system but provided no mechanism for reform. ANT, the “sociology of translation,” was used for understanding how change occurs. Unlike systems thinking, ANT focuses the contest for change on heterogeneous networks of human and nonhuman actors that must be constructed through a process of defining and defending models of change, building alliances, gaining public acceptance, and finally achieving institutional acceptance of the reform (or of some compromise). We then show how this dual approach can shed light on a current challenge in controlling tobacco, the issue of product regulation, and the broader issue of harm reduction versus harm elimination. 相似文献
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Ken Hammond 《北京周报(英文版)》2022,65(9):20-21
In 1954,representatives of France,Britain,the Soviet Union,the United States and China gathered in Geneva,Switzerland,for a conference on the political and military situation in the Korean Peninsula and in French Indochina.When U.S.Secretary of State John Foster Dulles encountered Chinese Premier and Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai. 相似文献
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Norm Diffusion and Reputation: The Rise of the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative 下载免费PDF全文
Transparency in the extractives sector is widely seen as an important tool for improving accountability and deterring corruption. Yet for those very reasons, it is a puzzle that so many governments in corruption‐prone countries have voluntarily signed up to greater scrutiny in this area by joining the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI). We argue that EITI serves as a reputational intermediary, whereby reformers can signal good intentions and international actors can reward achievement. International and domestic actors thus utilize EITI to diffuse the norm of resource transparency and to advance reformist aims in a highly problematic policy area. 相似文献
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Ken’ichi Mishima 《亚洲研究》2016,48(3):338-355
ABSTRACTFrom a historical perspective, the welfare net in Japan was established from above without democratic participation and expanded only slowly. This expansion in many cases was aimed at enhancing national cohesion, especially during war time. During the current neoliberal era, Japan’s paternalistic welfare state has been able to put into practice the dismantling of national pension and health-care systems without the need for any theoretical re-orientation. In response, counter-publics have engaged in protest and resistance. By doing so, the victims of modernization and those who are socially weak and disadvantaged in multiple ways are able to regain their self-esteem and personal integrity. 相似文献